{"id":776,"date":"2014-05-08T07:16:56","date_gmt":"2014-05-08T07:16:56","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/?p=776"},"modified":"2016-10-05T07:17:22","modified_gmt":"2016-10-05T07:17:22","slug":"tayland-siyasi-kaosta-yeni-donem-thailand-a-new-era-in-political-chaos","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/tayland-siyasi-kaosta-yeni-donem-thailand-a-new-era-in-political-chaos\/","title":{"rendered":"Tayland: Siyasi Kaosta Yeni D\u00f6nem \/ Thailand: A New Era in Political Chaos"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Tayland\u2019da uzun s\u00fcredir var olan siyasi istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k, d\u00fcn Anayasa Mahkemesi\u2019nin Ba\u015fbakan Yinluck Shinawatra\u2019y\u0131 g\u00f6revden almas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan yeni bir evreye girdi. Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131na, 2011 y\u0131l\u0131nda bir \u00f6nceki \u2018atamayla h\u00fck\u00fcmet kuran\u2019 Demokrat Parti taraf\u0131ndan Ulusal G\u00fcvenlik Ba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak atanan Thawil Pliensri\u2019yi g\u00f6revden al\u0131p yerine mas\u0131 gerek\u00e7e g\u00f6steriliyor.<\/p>\n<p>Ge\u00e7en kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda muhalefet partisi destek\u00e7ilerinin ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 dev g\u00f6sterilerle t\u0131kanan Tayland y\u00f6netimi, aradan ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre zarf\u0131nda iyile\u015fmek bir yana, giderek daha da i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 zor bir siyasi kaosa evriliyor. \u00dclkenin son alt\u0131 ayd\u0131r maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasi t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131k, bundan iki g\u00fcn \u00f6nce tahtta \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n 64. y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 kutlayan 86 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki Kral Bhumibol Adulyadej\u2019in k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fen sa\u011fl\u0131k durumunun sembolik olarak \u00fclke siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131na yans\u0131mas\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirilmeyi hak ediyor. Siyasi krizlerde \u2018birle\u015ftirici fig\u00fcr\u2019 olarak dikkat \u00e7eken ve halk aras\u0131nda yar\u0131-Tanr\u0131 kabul edilen Kral Adulyadej\u2019in 64. y\u0131l kutlamalar\u0131 nedeniyle siyasi krize y\u00f6n verece\u011fi varsay\u0131lan konu\u015fmay\u0131 yap\/a\/mad\u0131. Kral\u2019a daha \u00f6nce de \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulma konusunda m\u00fcracaat olmu\u015ftu. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Genelkurmay Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Prem Tinsulanonda\u2019n\u0131n ge\u00e7en aylarda Kral\u2019la g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc biliniyor<strong>. <\/strong>H\u00fck\u00fcmetin i\u015fleyemez hale geli\u015fi, halkta moral \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere ekonominin de \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde etkilenmesine neden olmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kaosun nas\u0131l sonland\u0131r\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 muammas\u0131 bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc a\u015f\u0131lamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Asl\u0131nda, siyasi istikrars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sona erdirebilecek yeg\u00e2ne g\u00fcc\u00fcn Monar\u015fi\u2019nin m\u00fcdahalesi olmas\u0131 nedeniyle g\u00f6zler Kral\u2019dan gelecek i\u015faretteydi.<\/p>\n<p>Ancak ge\u00e7en g\u00fcnk\u00fc kutlamalardan bir g\u00fcn sonra, geleneksel siyasi yap\u0131n\u0131n temsil kurumlar\u0131ndan biri olan Anayasa Mahkemesi ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 kararla \u00fclke siyasetine yeni bir y\u00f6n verdi. Anayasa Mahkemesi\u2019nin harekete ge\u00e7ti\u011fi bir ortamda, Kral\u2019\u0131n kamuoyuan yans\u0131mayan bir \u2018dahli olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ise en az\u0131ndan \u015fimdilik bilinmiyor. Ancak \u00fclke i\u00e7in pek \u00e7ok \u015fey ifade eden kral\u0131n maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 hastal\u0131k, \u00fclke siyasi ve toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131ndaki kaos ile yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 buluyor.<\/p>\n<p>1932 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki sistem de\u011fi\u015fiminin ard\u0131ndan, monar\u015fi geleneksel g\u00fcc\u00fcnden \u00e7ok \u015fey yitirdi. Ancak, \u00fclkenin modern siyasal tarihinde monar\u015fi yanl\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fclkenin ana ak\u0131m egemen yap\u0131s\u0131ndaki yerleri, Kral\u0131 her daim siyasetin oda\u011f\u0131na oturtacak bir y\u00f6nelim sergiledi. Bu nedenle 2013 y\u0131l\u0131 sonundan ba\u015flayarak bug\u00fcne kadar dozu zaman zaman artarak devaml\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6steren siyasi bunal\u0131m, d\u00fcn Anayasa Mahkemesi\u2019nin Ba\u015fbakan Yingluck\u2019\u0131 ve kabinedeki dokuz bakan\u0131, 2011 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00fcst d\u00fczey bir yetkiliyi g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131 gerek\u00e7esiyle su\u00e7lu bularak siyasi konumlar\u0131ndan azletti. \u00dclkenin yak\u0131n siyasi tarihine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bir s\u00fcpriz olarak de\u011ferlendirilmeyi hak etmiyor. Aksine, 2006 y\u0131l\u0131nda Thaksin Shinawatra\u2019n\u0131n g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131ndan itibaren ba\u015flayan s\u00fcre\u00e7te, Anayasa Mahkemesi\u2019nce \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n azli olarak tarihe ge\u00e7mesiyle bir t\u00fcr tekrar addedilebilir.<\/p>\n<p>2011 se\u00e7imlerinin ard\u0131ndan Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k koltu\u011funa oturan Yingluck\u2019\u0131n ilk iki bu\u00e7uk y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar\u0131 d\u00f6neminde g\u00f6rece sakin bir i\u00e7 politik ya\u015fam ba\u015f g\u00f6sterse de, ana ak\u0131m siyasi \u00e7izgiye alternatif politikalar\u0131n \u00fcretilmeye ba\u015flanmas\u0131yla birlikte muhalefet ve onunla ayn\u0131 siyasi kulvar\u0131 payla\u015fan \u00fclkenin kadim monar\u015fi ve \u00e7evresinin icraatlar\u0131 birer birer ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu politikalar\u0131n en ba\u015f\u0131nda b\u00fcrokrasinin \u00fcst d\u00fczey kadrolar\u0131ndaki monar\u015fi yanl\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6revden alma \u015feklinde tezah\u00fcr etmesi bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sonucu do\u011furan en \u00f6nemli unsur. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc karara neden olan Ulusal G\u00fcvenlik Ba\u015fkan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131 da bunun en iyi g\u00f6stergesi. Bu karar, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, ge\u00e7en Kas\u0131m ay\u0131ndan bu yana g\u00f6sterileri organize eden Suthep Thaugsuban\u2019\u0131n bir ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 olarak yorumlanmas\u0131 \u00fclke siyasal ger\u00e7ekli\u011finde olup biteni anlamland\u0131rmay\u0131 zorla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Bu nedenle, Yingluck\u2019\u0131 g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131nda muhalefet milletvekillerinin Anayasa Mahkemesi\u2019ne sunduklar\u0131 dava dilek\u00e7esi somut bir ger\u00e7eklik olarak ortada dursa da, temelde olup biten, monar\u015fi-ordu-sivil siyaset eksenli olu\u015fumun \u00fclke siyasetinde alternatif rol oynamay\u0131 arzu eden bir yap\u0131y\u0131 -ki bu anlamda Thaksin ve \u00e7evresini- bertaraf etme giri\u015fimidir. Bu anlamda, Yingluck gerek mahkeme \u00f6ncesinde gerekse aleyhine verilen karar sonras\u0131nda \u201cYasalara ayk\u0131r\u0131 hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yapmad\u0131m. Demokratik yollarla se\u00e7ilmi\u015f bir Ba\u015fbakan\u0131m.\u201d dese de, siyasetin temel\u00a0yap\u0131lanmas\u0131ndaki ana ak\u0131m\u0131n bunu kabullenmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi ve b\u00f6yle olmad\u0131 da.<\/p>\n<p>Yingluck, tecr\u00fcbeli bir siyaset\u00e7i olmamakla birlikte, ge\u00e7en Kas\u0131m ay\u0131ndaki g\u00f6sterileri g\u00fcvenlik g\u00fc\u00e7lerini kullanmadan ge\u00e7i\u015ftirmeyi ye\u011flemesi, bir anlamda siyasi krizi bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir \u015fekilde sonu\u00e7land\u0131rmaya kap\u0131 aralayaca\u011f\u0131 intiba\u0131 veriyordu. Ancak bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, g\u00f6sterilerin ba\u015f akt\u00f6r\u00fc konumundaki Suthep Thaugsuban hakk\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131lan soru\u015fturmalar\u0131n prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irilememesi nedeniyle h\u00fck\u00fcmet ve de Ba\u015fbakan Yingluck\u2019\u0131n kamuoyu ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00f6nce moral yenilgisinin kap\u0131s\u0131 araland\u0131. Buna ra\u011fmen halk nezdindeki kabul edilebilirli\u011fi devam eden Yingluck, muhalefeti \u2018ikna etme do\u011frultusunda\u2019 erken se\u00e7im karar\u0131 ald\u0131. \u2018Demokratik y\u00f6ntemin\u2019 gereklili\u011fine inanm\u0131\u015f olan Yingluck, ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 erken se\u00e7im karar\u0131yla, asl\u0131nda kendisi ve partisi \u2018Pheu Thai\u2019 ad\u0131na kaybedecek bir \u015feyi yoktu. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00fclke kamuoyu nezdindeki siyasi m\u00fccadelesi, monar\u015fi \u00e7evrelerinin aksine olumlu tepki buluyordu. Bunu \u00e7ok iyi bilen monar\u015fi yanl\u0131lar\u0131, 2 \u015eubat\u2019ta yap\u0131lan erken se\u00e7imlerin \u00f6ncesi ve sonras\u0131nda hedeflerinin Yingluck y\u00f6netimin devirmek oldu\u011funu, \u00f6zg\u00fcr se\u00e7imlerin bir anlam ifade etmeyece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve eylemleriyle ortaya koymu\u015flard\u0131. Kimi se\u00e7im b\u00f6lgelerinde adaylar\u0131n resmi ba\u015fvurular\u0131n\u0131n yapt\u0131rt\u0131lmamas\u0131 ve se\u00e7im g\u00fcn\u00fc ya\u015fanan usuls\u00fczl\u00fckler sonucu Se\u00e7im Kurulu, Yingluck h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin bekledi\u011fi ba\u015far\u0131y\u0131 g\u00f6lgeleyecek karar\u0131 veriyor ve se\u00e7imleri iptal etti\u011fini duyuruyordu.<\/p>\n<p>Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te s\u00fcrekli \u00f6n pl\u00e2nda olan Suthep, s\u0131radan bir aktivist olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemeliyiz. Muhalefetteki Demokrat Parti\u2019nin ba\u015fkan yard\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6revini \u00fcstlenen, ancak g\u00f6sterilerle birlikte, partideki g\u00f6revinden istifada ederek salt bir aktivist olarak meydanlarda boy g\u00f6steren Suthep\u2019e savc\u0131lar dokunma cesaretini g\u00f6steremedi. Suthep 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llardan ba\u015flayarak aktif siyasetin i\u00e7inde yer alm\u0131\u015f ve bu anlamda \u00fclkenin monar\u015fi-ordu k\u00f6kenli siyasi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n sivil platformadi temsilcilerinden biri olarak g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015fti&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Mevcut h\u00fck\u00fcmetten ziyade Yingluck\u2019\u0131n 2001 y\u0131l\u0131ndan 2006 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar iktidarda olan Thaksin Shinawatra\u2019n\u0131n karde\u015fi olmas\u0131, muhalefetin bug\u00fcne kadar kabullenemedi\u011fi bir ger\u00e7ek. Thaksin hareketinin ne kadar g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir siyasi hareket olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ba\u015fka konu. Ancak, Thaksin d\u00f6neminin \u00fclkenin monolitik siyasi yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6r\u00fcngesinden \u00e7\u0131karmada bir i\u015flevi oldu\u011fu kesin. Bunu, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne ba\u015fvurulmayan geni\u015f kitlelerinin son on be\u015f y\u0131l boyunca yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerdeki tercihlerinde takip etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Burada dikkat \u00e7eken husus, bug\u00fcn muhalefet rol\u00fc \u00fcstlenmi\u015f olan Demokrat Parti\u2019nin lideri Abhisit Vejjajiva\u2019n\u0131n Se\u00e7im Komisyonu\u2019nun se\u00e7imleri 20 Temmuz\u2019da yapma karar\u0131na dahi itiraz\u0131 olmal\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcm yasa d\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6sterilere ra\u011fmen, iktidar\u0131n g\u00fcvenlik ve yasal mekanizmay\u0131 kullanmamas\u0131 veya kulland\u0131rt\u0131lmamas\u0131; Yingluck\u2019un siyasi kaosu sona erdirme ad\u0131na 2 \u015eubat\u2019ta erken se\u00e7im karar\u0131 almas\u0131; se\u00e7imin iptali ve yeni se\u00e7imlerin Temmuz ay\u0131nda yap\u0131lmas\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7leri Demokrat Parti\u2019yi tatmin etmeye yetmedi. K\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce Abhisit\u2019in yard\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcten Suthep\u2019in marifetiyle monar\u015fi \u00e7evreleri meydanlarda Yingluck\u2019dan ziyade \u2018Thaksin rejiminin\u2019 ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle yapt\u0131klar\u0131 eylemler bug\u00fcn en \u00fcst d\u00fczey b\u00fcrokratik mekanizma ile hayata ge\u00e7iriliyor. Buna ra\u011fmen, Yingluck\u2019un ba\u015f\u0131nda oldu\u011fu partinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi, ne zaman yap\u0131l\u0131rsa yap\u0131ls\u0131n \u2018demokratik se\u00e7imlerde\u2019 monar\u015fi yanl\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Bu nedenle, Suthep s\u00f6zc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde muhalefet \u00e7evreleri \u2018tarafs\u0131z bir ba\u015fbakan\u0131n atanmas\u0131 ve ge\u00e7ici h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurulmas\u0131\u2019 talebini daha ilk g\u00fcnden bu yana g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131yorlar. Ancak \u015fu unutulmamal\u0131 ki, Thaksin ve karde\u015fi Yingluck\u2019\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasi a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n destek\u00e7ileri bu geli\u015fmeleri sineye \u00e7ekmeyeceklerdir. Bug\u00fcne kadar ordunun bir ad\u0131m geride durmay\u0131 tercih etti\u011fi zaman zaman anar\u015fiye d\u00f6nen siyasi kaos ortam\u0131, geleneksel iktidar \u00e7evrelerinin siyasi ve toplumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7eperinde kalm\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerle bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmedik\u00e7e \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme kavu\u015fturulmas\u0131 bir yana,\u00a0 bug\u00fcnden itibaren i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 zor bir h\u00e2l alaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmek g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fil.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/www.dunyabulteni.net\/haber-analiz\/297534\/tayland-siyasi-kaosta-yeni-donem\">http:\/\/www.dunyabulteni.net\/haber-analiz\/297534\/tayland-siyasi-kaosta-yeni-donem<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Tayland\u2019da uzun s\u00fcredir var olan siyasi istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k, d\u00fcn Anayasa Mahkemesi\u2019nin Ba\u015fbakan Yinluck Shinawatra\u2019y\u0131 g\u00f6revden almas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan yeni bir evreye girdi. Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131na, 2011 y\u0131l\u0131nda bir \u00f6nceki \u2018atamayla h\u00fck\u00fcmet kuran\u2019 Demokrat Parti taraf\u0131ndan Ulusal G\u00fcvenlik Ba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak atanan Thawil Pliensri\u2019yi g\u00f6revden al\u0131p yerine mas\u0131 gerek\u00e7e g\u00f6steriliyor. Ge\u00e7en kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda muhalefet partisi destek\u00e7ilerinin ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 dev g\u00f6sterilerle [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,32],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-776","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-gunluk-yazilar","category-tayland"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/776","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=776"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/776\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":777,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/776\/revisions\/777"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=776"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=776"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=776"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}