Lee Kuan Yew\u2019in (LKY) vefat\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan baz\u0131 de\u011ferlendirmeler yapmaya devam ediyoruz. Bu yaz\u0131da, LKY\u2019n\u0131n Malezya ile olan ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ilk y\u0131llar\u0131ndaki \u00f6zellikleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ele alaca\u011f\u0131m. Bu anlamda, LKY\u2019\u0131 Malezya\u2019ya ba\u011flayan nedir sorusu sorarak ba\u015flayabiliriz. Kimileri i\u00e7in bu soru garip ka\u00e7abilir. Ancak Singapur Ada Devleti\u2019nin kurucusunun Malezya\u2019yla 1950\u2019lilerde ba\u015flayan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ili\u015fkisi vard\u0131r. Bu ili\u015fkinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131nda birincisi co\u011frafi ikincisi de s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimi olmak \u00fczere iki unsurdan bahsedebiliriz. Malay Yar\u0131madas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n do\u011fal bir uzant\u0131s\u0131 olan Singapur Adas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, tarih boyunca bu ana karadan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olmamas\u0131, LKY\u2019\u0131 hem bu co\u011frafyan\u0131n maddi de\u011ferlerine hem de insan sto\u011funa kar\u015f\u0131 kayda de\u011fer yap\u0131c\u0131-ele\u015ftirel bir bak\u0131\u015f geli\u015ftirmesine neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
\u0130kinci husus ise, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, Malay Yar\u0131madas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 1786 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flayan s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirme s\u00fcrecinde \u0130ngilizlerin oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015fat rold\u00fcr. Bu iki antropolojik yap\u0131, LKY\u2019\u0131 atalar\u0131n\u0131n geldi\u011fi \u00c7in\u2019den ziyade bu topraklara ait hissetmesine ve burada kendi \u2018d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131\u2019 kurmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Bunun \u00f6tesinde, LKY\u2019\u0131 Malezya ile ili\u015fkilendiren ise, 1946 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130ngilizlerce \u2018Crown Colony<\/em>\u2019 stat\u00fcs\u00fc verilen Singapur Adas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bu stat\u00fcyle var olmas\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcp, kadim ba\u011fa, yani Malay Yar\u0131madas\u0131\u2019na siyasi eklemlenmeyi g\u00fcndeme getirmesi oldu.[1]<\/a> Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, siyasi ve \u00f6zellikle de ekonomik zorunluluklar\u0131n bir sonucu da olsa, a\u00e7\u0131kcas\u0131 tarih boyunca siyasi ve ekonomik anlamda b\u00fcy\u00fck kopu\u015flara sahne olmam\u0131\u015f Malay Yar\u0131madas\u0131 ve Singapur Adas\u0131 ili\u015fkisinin modern d\u00f6nemde ulus devlet ba\u011flam\u0131nda yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n Tabii \u015fimdi t\u00fcm bu ba\u011flant\u0131lara bak\u0131p \u2018harika bir geli\u015fme\u2019 denilebilir. Ancak 1963\u2019de ba\u015flayan birle\u015fme, iki taraf\u0131n yani LKY ile d\u00f6nemin Malay lider kadrosunun kan uyu\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 neticesinde t\u00fcm b\u00fcy\u00fck vaadlere ra\u011fmen, k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede bir kopu\u015fla sonu\u00e7land\u0131. Bu kopu\u015fun izlerini takip etti\u011fimizde bir yanda LKY, \u00f6te yanda Malay liderleri su\u00e7u kar\u015f\u0131 tarafa atarken, acaba LKY\u2019\u0131n siyasi birle\u015fmeyi Ada\u2019n\u0131n \u0130ngilizlerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazanmas\u0131nda bir t\u00fcr manivela arac\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131p kullanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 da akla gelmiyor de\u011fil hani. Kurt politikac\u0131 LKY, yukar\u0131da zikredilen tarihsel ve ekonomik nedenlerle elbette Malay Yar\u0131madas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n zengin kaynaklar\u0131na, insan i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fcne ihtiya\u00e7 duyuyordu. Kald\u0131 ki, bu iki temel \u015fart ve yeni d\u00f6nemin getirdi\u011fi gerek \u2018kom\u00fcnistlerin etkin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019[2]<\/a> ve gerekse \u2018g\u00fcvenlik\u2019 ba\u011flam\u0131nda[3]<\/a>, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131nda Singapur\u2019un kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir tehdit olarak \u00e7\u0131karken, bir yandan da nas\u0131l bir Singapur in\u015fa edilece\u011finin ipu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 veriyordu.[4]<\/a> Ancak ihtiya\u00e7 duymad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u015fey vard\u0131 ki, o da \u2018ultra Malay milliyet\u00e7ilerinin\u2019 modern \u201cMaleyza Federasyonu\u201dnu sadece \u2018Malay \u0131rk\u0131na mensup olanlara hasredecek siyasi angajmanlar\u0131yd\u0131. Ki bu angajman, Dr. Mahathir Muhammed d\u00f6neminde giderek ivme kazan\u0131rken, bug\u00fcne kadar bir devaml\u0131l\u0131k arz etti\u011fi de g\u00f6zlemlenmektedir.[5]<\/a> LKY, bu angajmanlara \u2018evet\u2019 demesi halinde Ada\u2019y\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131p kalm\u0131\u015f bir t\u00fcr \u2018Robinson Cruose<\/em>\u2019dan farks\u0131z olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sezmi\u015f olmal\u0131.<\/p>\n Bu noktada, Malaylar\u0131n \u2018M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u2019 olmas\u0131ndan ve de karde\u015flik hislerinin depre\u015fmesinden hareketle \u201cEvet. Ne var ki bunda. Elbette b\u00f6yle davranacaklar\u201d minvalli yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 olabilir. Ancak burada Malaylar\u0131n \u0130slamiyetle ba\u011flar\u0131 kadar, 1511 y\u0131l\u0131ndan 30 A\u011fustos 1957 tarihine kadar s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik tarihleri ve bu s\u00fcrecin \u00f6zellikle de, \u0130ngiliz Do\u011fu Hint S\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netiminin 1786 y\u0131l\u0131nda Penang Adas\u0131\u2019ndan ba\u015flatt\u0131klar\u0131 \u2018\u0130ngiliz \u00e7\u0131kartmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi korkuyu g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edenlerin b\u00fcy\u00fck yan\u0131lg\u0131 i\u00e7inde olduklar\u0131 unutmamal\u0131. Bu hususun, bir ba\u015fka yaz\u0131 konusu oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlatarak \u015fimdilik bu kadarla bir hat\u0131rlatmayla iktifa edeyim.<\/p>\n 16 Eyl\u00fcl 1963 – 9 A\u011fustos 1965 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, sadece iki y\u0131l s\u00fcren siyasi birliktelik s\u00fcrecinde, \u00fclkenin do\u011fal etnik da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131nda \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu olu\u015fturmakla birlikte ultra Malay milliyet\u00e7i liderlerin \u2018Malay\u2019 odakl\u0131 sosyal-siyasal ve de ekonomik yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131na ele\u015ftirel yakla\u015fan ve Malay milliyet\u00e7ilerinin ileri ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irme yolunda azimle \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u2018Malay Malezya\u2019s\u0131 de\u011fil, aksine \u00fclkenin do\u011fal etnik mozayi\u011fini bir arada tutman\u0131n olmazsa olmaz\u0131 siyasi bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f olarak, \u00fclkenin t\u00fcm etnik gruplar\u0131n\u0131 bir potada eritmenin siyasi kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak \u2018Malezyal\u0131 Malezya\u2019 kavram\u0131 \u00fczerinde ulusal g\u00fcndemi belirleme \u00e7abas\u0131 sergiledi.[6]<\/a> \u00dclkenin kurucu yap\u0131s\u0131 olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u201cBirle\u015fik Malay Ulusal Organizasyonu\u201d (UMNO) adl\u0131 partinin \u00fclke siyasetinde belirleyicili\u011fi ve milliyet\u00e7ilik damar\u0131n\u0131 alabildi\u011fince harekete ge\u00e7irebilece\u011fi bir Malay kitlesinin -ki bu Malay kitlesinin bug\u00fcne kadar ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi modernle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine ra\u011fmen, kahir ekseriyetiyle UMNO siyasas\u0131ndan \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirilebildi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek g\u00fc\u00e7- varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 LKY\u2019nin hi\u00e7 de \u00f6yle istedi\u011fi gibi \u2018a\u015f\u0131k atabilece\u011fi\u2019 bir siyasi zemin sa\u011flamad\u0131. Ve bunun sonucunda \u2018ayr\u0131lma karar\u0131\u2019 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir sonu olarak g\u00fcndeme geldi. Tabii bu noktada, LKY\u2019nin o g\u00fcn \u0131srarla alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izdi\u011fi ve Malezya Federasyonu\u2019nu olu\u015fturan halklar\u0131n \u2018ulusal birlikteli\u011fini\u2019 \u00f6ncelleyen \u2018Melazyal\u0131 Malezya\u2019 kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n, bug\u00fcn Malezya\u2019daki etnik-dini-siyasi haklar \u00e7er\u00e7evesindeki yalpalamalar dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, hakl\u0131l\u0131k pay\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bunun bir t\u00fcr sa\u011flamas\u0131 ise, bug\u00fcn hem Ada\u2019ya hem de Malay Yar\u0131madas\u0131\u2019ndaki sosyo-politik \u015fekilleni\u015fte ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n 1965 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k s\u00fcrecini \u2018yeni bir ulus\u2019, yani \u2018Singapur\u2019 in\u015fas\u0131na adayan -ki bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi daha 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda \u0130ngilizlerin yeniden Ada\u2019ya \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131ndan itibaren \u00e7oktan geli\u015fti\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn-[7]<\/a> ve bunu etnik milliyet\u00e7ilik \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, aksine ortak vatanda\u015fl\u0131k olgusundan hareketle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren LKY\u2019n\u0131n politikalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, bug\u00fcn Malezya Federasyonu\u2019nun ultra Malay milliyet\u00e7i kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 politikalar\u0131, s\u00f6zde t\u00fcm ekonomik kazan\u0131mlara ra\u011fmen, \u00fclkede ya\u015fanan huzursuzluklar\u0131n temellerinden birini olu\u015fturmaya devam ediyor. Bu ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 politikalar\u0131n, salt \u2018Malay M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131na\u2019 hasredilmi\u015f sosyo-ekonomik politikalar\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, belki de bunun \u00e7ok daha \u00f6tesinde kimilerince s\u00f6zde M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ve \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya \u00fclkelerine model olarak sunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan Malezya Federasyonu\u2019nda ba\u015fta yarg\u0131 sistemi olmak \u00fczere[8]<\/a> \u015feffaf devlet, adil y\u00f6netim, yasalar\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, etkin ve verimli y\u00f6netim, etnik ve dini haklar, yolsuzlukla m\u00fccadele gibi modern devlet nimaz\u0131n\u0131n olmazsa olmazlar\u0131nda ne kadar ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da soru\u015fturulmas\u0131 gerekmektedir.<\/p>\n Tabii bu noktada Dr. Mahathir Muhammed\u2019in \u201cBa\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z Malezya\u2019da yasalar herkese e\u015fit \u015fekilde uygulanmaktad\u0131r\u201d dese de,[9]<\/a> Malezya ger\u00e7eklerine az da olsa vak\u0131f olanlar\u0131n tan\u0131k oldu\u011fu \u00fczere, ortada soyut yasal ve prosed\u00fcrel tasar\u0131mlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, eksikli\u011fi hissedilen olgu bu de\u011ferlerin prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irilemeyi\u015fidir. LKY, bu noktada iyi bir y\u00f6netim nedir sorusuna verdi\u011fi bir cevapda, \u201ch\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin sorumlulu\u011fu sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 kararlar al\u0131p, bunlar\u0131 sa\u011flam ve istikrarl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde uygulamakt\u0131r\u201d der.[10]<\/a> Bu vecheden bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Singapur Cumhuriyeti ile Malezya Federasyonu\u2019nun bug\u00fcn geldi\u011fi noktay\u0131 de\u011ferlendirmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n [1]<\/a>Geoff Wade. (2013). \u201cOperation Coldstore: A Key Event in the Creation of Modern Singapore\u201d, Poh Soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang; Hong Lysa. (ed). The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years<\/em>, Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Center, s. 29.<\/p>\n [2]<\/a>Geoff Wade. (2013). \u201cOperation Coldstore: A Key Event in the Creation of Modern Singapore\u201d, Poh Soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang; Hong Lysa. (ed). The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years<\/em>, Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Center, s. 19.<\/p>\n [3]<\/a>Lee Kuan Yew.\u00a0 (2014). The Battle For Merger<\/em>, Singapore: Straits Times Press, s. xvii.<\/p>\n [4]<\/a>Graham Allison; Robert D. Blackwill; Ali Wyne. (2013). Lee Kuan Yew: The Grand Master\u2019s Insights on Chine, The United States, and the World<\/em>, Cambridge: The MIT Press, s. 82.<\/p>\n [5]<\/a>Andrew Willford. (2013). \u201cEvery Indian is Burning Inside\u201d, Bridget Welsh; James U. H. Chin. (ed).Awakening: The Abdullah Badawi Years in Malaysia<\/em>, Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Center, s. 215.<\/p>\n [6]<\/a>Lee Kuan Yew. (2013). One Man\u2019s View of the World<\/em>, Singapore: Straits Times Press, s. 159.<\/p>\n [7]<\/a>Lee Kuan Yew. (2014). The Battle For Merger<\/em>, Singapore: Straits Times Press, s. 10-11.<\/p>\n [8]<\/a>Sudhir Thomas Vadaketh. (2012). Floating On A Malayan Breeze: Travels in Malaysia and Singapore<\/em>, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, s. 107.<\/p>\n