{"id":575,"date":"2015-04-15T04:09:45","date_gmt":"2015-04-15T04:09:45","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/?p=575"},"modified":"2016-10-03T04:12:01","modified_gmt":"2016-10-03T04:12:01","slug":"malezyada-basbakan-nicin-zor-durumda","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/malezyada-basbakan-nicin-zor-durumda\/","title":{"rendered":"Malezya\u2019da Ba\u015fbakan Ni\u00e7in Zor Durumda?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Necib bin Razak, yani Malezya\u2019n\u0131n alt\u0131nc\u0131 ba\u015fbakan\u0131. 2009 Nisan ay\u0131ndan bu yana Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k koltu\u011funda oturan Necib bin Razak muhalefet kanad\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda uzunca bir s\u00fcredir, i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Malay etnik politika ba\u011flam\u0131nda ise bir s\u00fcredir bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda. Peki bu bask\u0131 nedir ve Malezya politikas\u0131 i\u00e7in ne anlam ifade eder? Evvel emirde s\u00f6ylemek gerekirse, bu bask\u0131 yeni ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir s\u00fcrece i\u015faret etmiyor, aksine Malezya politikas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemine kadar uzanan bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fi oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Elbette bu k\u0131sa metin i\u00e7erisinde bu uzun s\u00fcre\u00e7leri detayl\u0131 olarak ele almayaca\u011f\u0131m. Aksine, ya\u015fananlar\u0131 yak\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fle s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rarak olan bitene dair baz\u0131 hususlar\u0131 dile getirece\u011fim.<\/p>\n<p>\u0130lk de\u011finilmesi gereken husus Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n hangi siyasi atmosferde bir \u2018isim\u2019 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131yla alakal\u0131d\u0131r. Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k koltu\u011funa oturmas\u0131na neden olan en \u00f6nemli geli\u015fme, \u00fclkenin be\u015finci ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Abdullah Badawi\u2019nin Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda girilen 2008 Genel Se\u00e7imleri\u2019ndeki ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k oldu. Bu ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6yle b\u00f6yle de\u011fil, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131ktan bu yana \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6neten Ulusal Cephe koalisyonunun ilk defa Federal Meclis\u2019e \u00fc\u00e7te iki \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu kaybetmesinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, 13 Eyalet\u2019ten be\u015finin y\u00f6netiminin muhalefete yani Halk Cephesi koalisyonuna ge\u00e7mesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Bu sonucun ard\u0131ndan Birle\u015fik Ulusal Malay Organizasyonu\u2019nda (UMNO) ya\u015fanan deprem ba\u015fbakan yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 konumundaki Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7arken, ayn\u0131 zamanda bu depremin art\u00e7\u0131 sars\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele verme sorumlulu\u011fu da y\u00fckl\u00fcyordu. 2008 siyasi tsunamisi, UMNO\u2019nun h\u00fck\u00fcmet orta\u011f\u0131 \u00c7in ve Hint Partilerine ra\u011fmen, ba\u015fta \u00c7inliler olmak \u00fczere etnik az\u0131nl\u0131k kesimlerinin oylar\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti\u011fini ortaya koyuyordu.<\/p>\n<p>Bu anlamda, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm Ba\u015fbakan\u0131n ekonomi ve sosyo-politik eksende reform kavram\u0131na ba\u015fvuran bir siyasi yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na ba\u011fland\u0131. 2008-2009\u2019da yanan k\u00fcresel ekonomi krizi kadar, b\u00f6lgedeki di\u011fer baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerin de Malezya gibi imal\u00e2t sanayii ile kalk\u0131nmay\u0131 hedeflemesiyle Malezya\u2019n\u0131n elinde tuttu\u011fu avantajlar\u0131n g\u00f6rece zaafa u\u011framas\u0131 ve bu anlamda d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n azalmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ekonomiyi canland\u0131racak form\u00fcl aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131, \u2018Ekonomik D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm Program\u0131\u2019yla (ETP) g\u00fcndeme geldi. Sosyo-politik reformun ise en \u00f6nemli aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u00fclkede muhalefet \u00fczerinde on y\u0131llarca Demokles\u2019in K\u0131l\u0131c\u0131 h\u00fckm\u00fcnde olmu\u015f\u00a0 \u2018\u0130\u00e7 G\u00fcvenlik Yasas\u0131\u2019 (ISA), \u2018\u0130syan\u2019a Te\u015fvik Yasas\u0131\u2019 (Sedition Act) gibi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri polis \u015feflerinin inisiyatifine terk eden uygulamalar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, bas\u0131n ve haberle\u015fme konusunda \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklere kap\u0131 aralanmas\u0131 gibi alanlar te\u015fkil ediyordu. Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n bir di\u011fer somut giri\u015fimi ise, \u00c7in ve Hint k\u00f6kenli kitlelere y\u00f6nelik \u2018yak\u0131nla\u015fmac\u0131\u2019 tavr\u0131, bir anlamda \u2018bar\u0131\u015f \u00e7ubu\u011fu\u2019 uzatmas\u0131 oldu. Bunun siyasi proje olarak kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ise \u2018Bir Malezya Projesi\u2019ydi.<\/p>\n<p>Tabii bu i\u00e7 politik s\u00fcre\u00e7ler kadar, b\u00f6lgesel ve uluslararas\u0131 arenada \u201cMalezya\u2019n\u0131n sesi olmak\u201d gibi bir g\u00f6rev de \u00fcstlenen Necib bin Razak, Mindanao-Patani g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri, ASEAN, BM G\u00fcvenlik Konseyi\u2019nde \u2018\u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 \u0130slam\u2019 sunumu gibi alanlarda asl\u0131nda kimilerinin g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc dolduruyordu. Ancak bu s\u00fcre\u00e7leri Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n bir t\u00fcr \u2018tek adam\u2019 yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131yla sunmas\u0131, yeni bir liderlik perspektifinin g\u00fcndeme getirilmekte oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyordu. Oysa, Malezya\u2019da UMNO gibi, etnik Malay milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi temeline oturmu\u015f ve \u00fclkenin t\u00fcm siyasi ve toplumsal yap\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 belirlemede \u015f\u00fcphe g\u00f6t\u00fcrmeyecek bir belirleyicili\u011fe sahip siyasi partiyi ku\u015fatacak \u2018karizma\u2019n\u0131n Necib bin Razak\u2019ta olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorusunu burada g\u00fcndeme getirmeliyim. Bu politikalar\u0131n s\u0131nanmas\u0131n\u0131n yeri ve zaman\u0131 ise, 5 May\u0131s 2013\u2019de yap\u0131lan 13. Genel Se\u00e7imi oldu.<\/p>\n<p>Bu se\u00e7im de 2008\u2019dekinden daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir siyasi tsunami olarak \u00fclke siyasal tarihinde yerini ald\u0131. Her ne kadar muhalefet bir \u00f6nceki se\u00e7imde kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 be\u015f eyaletten ikisini kaybetse de, toplam oylar\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k %53\u2019\u00fcn\u00fc alarak Federal Meclis\u2019te iktidar\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7te iki \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu bir kez daha ortadan kald\u0131rarak g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koydu. Ancak se\u00e7im sistemi yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, se\u00e7ime \u015fu veya bu \u015fekilde m\u00fcdahaleler iktidar\u0131n ayn\u0131 koalisyon blo\u011funda kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Se\u00e7imin elbette ki en \u00f6nemli sonucu \u2018tek adam\u2019 profiliyle \u00fclke siyasetinde UMNO\u2019yu eski g\u00fcnlerine d\u00f6nd\u00fcrece\u011fi iddias\u0131ndaki Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n politikalar\u0131n\u0131n iflas\u0131 anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131yd\u0131. Ve Ba\u015fbakan dahil olmak \u00fczere UMNO i\u00e7erisinden \u00f6zellikle \u00c7inli se\u00e7menlere y\u00f6nelik a\u011f\u0131r ele\u015ftiriler gelirken, Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n yukar\u0131da dile getirilen \u2018reformcu\u2019 \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n da asl\u0131nda se\u00e7im-odakl\u0131 palyatif yakla\u015f\u0131m oldu\u011funu ortaya koydu. Tabii bunun sonunda benzeri ele\u015ftirilerin bir s\u00fcre sonra Ba\u015fbakan\u2019a y\u00f6nelece\u011fini tahmin etmek g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fildi. \u00d6yle de oldu!<\/p>\n<p>Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n ikinci d\u00f6neminde yani se\u00e7im sonras\u0131nda, Malezya siyasetinin belirleyici damar\u0131 \u2018Malay milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi\u2019ne yaslanmak suretiyle, siyasi mevcudiyetini devam ettirme ihtiras\u0131nda oldu\u011fu ortaya koydu. Bunun g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u2018tiyatral\u2019 ifadesi ise hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, UMNO Genel Kurulu\u2019ndaki etnik Malay milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi s\u00f6yleminin \u2018a\u011f\u0131r bir tonla\u2019 bir kez daha y\u00fckseltilmesi oldu.\u00a0 Elbette ki, bu yakla\u015f\u0131m art\u0131k ortada \u2018reform\u2019 nam\u0131na bir \u015feyin kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Ki bunun ilk g\u00f6stergesi \u2018\u0130syan\u2019a Te\u015fvik Yasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 2012 y\u0131l\u0131nda duyuran Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n bu yasan\u0131n daha da \u2018i\u015flevselle\u015ftirilece\u011fini\u2019 s\u00f6ylemesi g\u00fcndeme bomba gibi d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Art\u0131k ortada reform de\u011fil, giderek \u2018ultra Malay milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi\u2019 rol\u00fcne b\u00fcr\u00fcnen bir Ba\u015fbakan vard\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcm kalk\u0131nmac\u0131 \u00e7abalara, ekonomik a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mlara ra\u011fmen, b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131; u\u00e7ak kazalar\u0131; \u2018Bir Malezya Kalk\u0131nma Fonu\u2019ndaki us\u00fcls\u00fczl\u00fckler; yeni vergi yasas\u0131; \u0130syan\u2019a Te\u015fvik Yasas\u0131\u2019 balyozunun tek tek toplumun belli kesimlerinin \u00fczerine inmesi bir yana belki de Ba\u015fbakan Necib bin Razak\u2019a en b\u00fcy\u00fck darbe, Dr. Mahathir Muhammed\u2019in 2013 se\u00e7imleri \u00f6ncesinde sergilemeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Necipli mi Necipsiz mi sorgulamas\u0131n\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r ele\u015ftirilere d\u00f6nmesi ortada ciddi anlamda bir sorun oldu\u011funu ortaya koyuyor.<\/p>\n<p>Asl\u0131nda Malezya siyasetine dair yukar\u0131da sunulan foto\u011fraf yeni de\u011fil. \u0130lki 1997-98 G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya Krizi, Endonezya ve Tayland\u2019da ba\u015f g\u00f6steren reform hareketi ve hemen ard\u0131ndan g\u00fcndeme bomba gibi d\u00fc\u015fen Enver \u0130brahim\u2019in ilk davas\u0131 Malezya\u2019y\u0131 da sarsan geli\u015fmeler olarak dikkat \u00e7ekiyor. Kurt politikac\u0131 Dr. Mahathir Muhammed\u2019in 1999 se\u00e7imlerini kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda, 22 y\u0131ll\u0131k Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019na noktay\u0131 koymas\u0131ndan itibaren de UMNO i\u00e7erisinde bir \u2018liderlik a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019 g\u00fcndeme geldi. Ve o g\u00fcn bug\u00fcnd\u00fcr, Enver \u0130brahim\u2019in ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 reform hareketinin siyasi ve sosyal programlar\u0131ndan ilhamla \u00f6nce Abdullah Badawi ard\u0131ndan Necib bin Razak \u2018reform\u2019 kavram\u0131na tutunsalar da ortaya sahici bir reform yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 bug\u00fcne kadar \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131. Bu ba\u011flamda, \u00fclke siyasetinde bug\u00fcn Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fu sorunlar salt onun politik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil. Aksine ortada, k\u00f6kleri en az\u0131ndan 1998\u2019e kadar geri giden ve halen halledilmeyi bekleyen sistemik bir sorun var. Bu s\u00fcreci zorlayacak bir muhalefetin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011fmen, kurulu d\u00fczenin bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc elvermedi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m, aksine bu sistemi y\u00f6netme makam\u0131ndaki \u2018z\u00fcmrelerin\u2019 giderek radikalle\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7\u0131yor. Ba\u015fbakan Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n da i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu zorluk bundan kaynaklan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Necib bin Razak, yani Malezya\u2019n\u0131n alt\u0131nc\u0131 ba\u015fbakan\u0131. 2009 Nisan ay\u0131ndan bu yana Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k koltu\u011funda oturan Necib bin Razak muhalefet kanad\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda uzunca bir s\u00fcredir, i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Malay etnik politika ba\u011flam\u0131nda ise bir s\u00fcredir bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda. Peki bu bask\u0131 nedir ve Malezya politikas\u0131 i\u00e7in ne anlam ifade eder? Evvel emirde s\u00f6ylemek gerekirse, bu bask\u0131 yeni [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,27],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-575","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-gunluk-yazilar","category-malezya"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/575","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=575"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/575\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":577,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/575\/revisions\/577"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=575"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=575"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=575"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}