{"id":5577,"date":"2024-12-06T04:12:26","date_gmt":"2024-12-06T04:12:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/?p=5577"},"modified":"2024-12-07T03:23:43","modified_gmt":"2024-12-07T03:23:43","slug":"hindistan-raporu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/hindistan-raporu\/","title":{"rendered":"H\u0130ND\u0130STAN RAPORU"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

G\u0130R\u0130\u015e<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan, ge\u00e7mi\u015ften getirdi\u011fi \u00e7ok dinli ve etnik yap\u0131s\u0131yla bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrler abidesi olarak y\u00fckselirken, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f k\u00fcresel medyada tezatlar \u00fclkesi olarak \u00e7\u0131kar kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za. Bir yanda yoksulluk, sel ve a\u00e7l\u0131k gibi do\u011fal afetler, siyas\u00ee cinayetler \u00f6te yanda kutsall\u0131k atfedilen Ganj Nehri\u2019nde \u2018ar\u0131nan\u2019 kitleler, y\u0131lan oynat\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 ile meydanlarda kimsenin rahats\u0131z etmeye yana\u015famayaca\u011f\u0131 kutsal kabul edilen inek g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcleri vard\u0131r. Bu ve benzeri renkli d\u00fcnya kadar, Bat\u0131l\u0131 e\u011fitim alm\u0131\u015f enformasyon teknolojisinde ve t\u0131bda uzman gen\u00e7leri, n\u00fckleer silaha sahip ordusu ve uzay \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ile son d\u00f6nemde b\u00f6lgesel ve k\u00fcresel akt\u00f6r olmaya aday bir Hindistan g\u00fcndemdir (Jaffrelot 2008, 79; Wolpert 2006, xi).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir k\u0131ta b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki topraklarda farkl\u0131 etnik ve dini yap\u0131lara ev sahipli\u011fi yapmas\u0131 ve zengin do\u011fal kaynaklar\u0131 sebebiyle tarih boyunca Bat\u0131 ve Do\u011fu aras\u0131nda ticar\u00ee, sosyo-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve din\u00ee etkile\u015fimlere sahne oldu. Bu \u00f6zelliklerine hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, sahip oldu\u011fu mistik do\u011fa\u00fcst\u00fcc\u00fc inan\u00e7 yap\u0131lar\u0131yla son y\u00fczy\u0131lda modern Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n materyalist ya\u015fam\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131p kalm\u0131\u015f bireylerine alternatif dini yakla\u015f\u0131mlar i\u00e7in ilham kayna\u011f\u0131 olmas\u0131 eklenmelidir (Dijkink 1996, 129; Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 169).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ngilizler, 1750\u2019lerden itibaren b\u00f6lgede irili ufakl\u0131 pek \u00e7ok prensliklerle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasi anla\u015fmalarla ticari ve siyasi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etti. Ad\u0131na \u201cdolayl\u0131 y\u00f6netim\u201d denilen bu sistemde, prensliklerin \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc taraflarla anla\u015fma yapmas\u0131 yasaklan\u0131rken, d\u0131\u015f ili\u015fkiler ve savunma konular\u0131nda \u0130ngilizlere ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 emperyal y\u00f6netim yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131 (Bose; Jalal 2011, 47-56).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u0130ngiliz emperyalizminin \u00fcretti\u011fi M\u00fcsl\u00fcman-Hindu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, yerli toplumlar\u0131n kendi kendilerini y\u00f6netemeyecekleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin yerle\u015ftirilmesi i\u00e7in bir neden say\u0131ld\u0131. Bu noktada, Mahatma Gandhi\u2019nin bat\u0131 medeniyetini y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 bir medeniyet olarak kabul etmesi, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6nemi yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n Hint topraklar\u0131nda ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir unsur oldu\u011funa i\u015faret eder. Siyaset bilimine \u2018b\u00f6l\/y\u00f6net\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131 hediye eden s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netiminin uzant\u0131lar\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde de bu politikas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rne\u011fin, birbirleriyle ortak y\u00f6nlere sahip Hindistan ve \u00c7in aras\u0131nda da uygulad\u0131  (Dijkink 1996, 130, 132).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimi, toprak reformlar\u0131 sayesinde geni\u015f tar\u0131m arazilerini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcrken, tar\u0131m sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde zorunlu \u00fcretim ve belli \u00fcr\u00fcnlerde tekel olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 yerli halk\u0131n kalk\u0131nmas\u0131 yerine, k\u00fcresel kapitalizme hizmet etti (Habib 2002, 296; Malik 2012, 23; Sutton 2009, 4; Bose; Jalal 2011, 56-57). \u0130ngilizlerin tar\u0131m politikalar\u0131, bug\u00fcn dahi bir sorun olmaya devam eden Ke\u015fmir b\u00f6lgesini de etkiledi. Ke\u015fmir topraklar\u0131n\u0131n Amritsar Anla\u015fmas\u0131 (1846) \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde bir Hinduya sat\u0131lmas\u0131, Ke\u015fmir sorununda \u00f6nemli bir yeri vard\u0131r (Malik 1997, 163). Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u0130ngilizler 1947 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131\u015fmada Pakistan ve Hindistan s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131 bir anla\u015fmayla belirlememesi kadar, iki \u00fclke ordular\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011finde ba\u015flar\u0131nda \u0130ngiliz komutanlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Ke\u015fmir sorunun kayna\u011f\u0131nda \u0130ngiliz varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tescilidir (Crawley 1972, 167; Hodson 1985, 473).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131kla birlikte Hindistan\u2019da demokrasi, siyasi bir tercih olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131ksa da, devasa n\u00fcfus, temel altyap\u0131 hizmetleri ve ekonomik yap\u0131la\u015fmadaki zaafiyetler, kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 demokrasi uygulamas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engelleri olu\u015fturuyordu (Morris-Jones 1963, 11). Ayr\u0131ca, ekonomide, i\u00e7e kapal\u0131 ve rekabetten yoksun ekonomi modeli, b\u00fcrokrat-siyaset\u00e7i-i\u015f \u00e7evreleri aras\u0131ndaki yak\u0131n i\u015fbirli\u011fi yolsuzluklar\u0131 g\u00fcndeme getirdi. (Ray 2002, 40; Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 179).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Siyasal ya\u015famda uzun y\u0131llar Kongre Partisi\u2019nin hakimiyeti s\u00f6z konusu olurken, eyalet merkezli yerel partilerin k\u0131sa aral\u0131klarla olu\u015fturdu\u011fu koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetleriyse istikrarl\u0131 bir y\u00f6netim sergileyemedi. 1980\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n sonundan itibaren siyasi ya\u015famda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flayan Hindu milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi (Hindutva) 2014 se\u00e7imlerinde \u00f6nemli bir ba\u015far\u0131 kazanarak federal ve eyalet y\u00f6netimlerinde s\u00f6z sahibi oldu. Hinduizm dinine dayanan bu milliyet\u00e7ilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, Hindistan\u2019\u0131 kutsal bir Hindu \u00fclkesi kabul ederken, di\u011fer \u0131rk ve din mensuplar\u0131na, \u00f6zellikle de M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir yakla\u015f\u0131m sergiler (Dijkink 1996, 130).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00f6lgenin ge\u00e7mi\u015fte uzun d\u00f6nem M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar taraf\u0131ndan taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilmi\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n Hindu milliyet\u00e7iler \u00fczerinde olu\u015fturdu\u011fu tarihi ve psikolojik etki, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fkil eder. \u00d6yle ki, daha milliyet\u00e7ilik ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ye\u015fermeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 19 y\u00fczy\u0131l sonlar\u0131nda s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimini hedef alan Hindu k\u00f6kenli siyas\u00ee hareketler, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimi yanl\u0131s\u0131 olarak su\u00e7lad\u0131lar (Mill 1997, 165; Azad 1959, 4).[1]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7ok etnikli ve dinli yap\u0131s\u0131na ra\u011fmen, merkez siyas\u00ee elit, \u00fclkenin \u201ctek bir ulus\u201d oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda 1984 y\u0131l\u0131nda kabul edilen \u201cPuncab Agitation\u201d ad\u0131yla da bilinen Beyaz Rapor\u2019da, Hindistan \u00e7ok etnikli bir toplum olarak kabul edilir. \u00dclkenin din ve dil farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 yads\u0131nmazken, bu farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fclkenin birli\u011fini olu\u015fturdu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7ekilerek, \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131kta birlik\u201d ilkesi g\u00fcndeme getirilir (Nathan 1996, 18). Bunda tarihsel olarak b\u00f6lgenin k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyet geli\u015fiminde Aryan ve Dravidian ge\u00e7mi\u015fiyle Hinduizm, Budizm ve \u0130slam gibi \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck din\u00ee yap\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, yerel \u00f6zellikler ta\u015f\u0131yan Sihizm ve Janizm\u2019in olu\u015fturdu\u011fu geni\u015f k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyet \u00e7er\u00e7evesinin rol\u00fc vard\u0131r. Birlik olgusu kadim d\u00f6nemlerden bu yana Sankrit\u00e7e\u2019deki Bharata, yani \u2018teritoryal b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck\u2019 anlam\u0131na gelen kavram\u0131yla da mer\u015fula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r (Mishra 2002, xiii, 9).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fcndemde ad\u0131 s\u0131kl\u0131kla zikredilmeye ba\u015flanan Hindistan ele al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n May\u0131s ay\u0131nda Hindistan\u2019a yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 resmi ziyaret de, iki \u00fclke ili\u015fkilerinin geli\u015ftirilmesinin \u00f6tesinde b\u00f6lgesel ve k\u00fcresel ba\u011flamda seyredebilecek bir dizi ili\u015fkiler a\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6nderme yapmaktad\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda, Hindistan\u2019\u0131n modern siyasi tarihi, Pakistan\u2019la ya\u015fanan sorunlar ve Ke\u015fmir konusu \u00fczerinde durulacakt\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu alanlarda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm noktas\u0131nda Hindistan\u2019la i\u015fbirli\u011fi konusu irdelenecektir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

GENEL B\u0130LG\u0130LER<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Asya k\u0131tas\u0131n\u0131n kadim k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyetlerinden olan Hindistan, 18. y\u00fczy\u0131l ortalar\u0131ndan itibaren \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fine maruz kal\u0131rken, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 15 A\u011fustos 1947 tarihinde kazand\u0131. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesi ve sonras\u0131nda, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirilmi\u015f di\u011fer Asya ve Afrika milletleriyle kurulan ili\u015fkilerde \u00f6nc\u00fc rol oynad\u0131. Demokratik bir y\u00f6netim tarz\u0131n\u0131 benimseyen \u00fclkede farkl\u0131 din\u00ee-etnik yap\u0131lar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011fmen, \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131kta birlik\u201d olgusu \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kadim sanskrit\u00e7e metinlerde \u2018Bharata\u2019 olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan Hint b\u00f6lgesi, \u00c7inliler taraf\u0131ndan \u201cIntu milleti\u201d olarak zikediliyordu. B\u00f6lge halk\u0131 ve dinine verilen \u201cHindu\u201d kelimesi, Farsiler taraf\u0131ndan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde Pakistan s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde bulunan \u201cIndus\u201d nehri i\u00e7in kullan\u0131l\u0131yordu. Yunanl\u0131lar\u0131n Fars\u00e7a\u2019dan \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 ald\u0131klar\u0131 Hindistan (India<\/em>) kelimesi zamanla yayg\u0131n bir kullan\u0131m haline geldi. (Rawlinson 1965, 3; Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 171).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dclkenin y\u00fcz\u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcm\u00fc 3.287.590 km2<\/sup> olup, G\u00fcney Asya co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7te biri \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselirken, bir milyar\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n n\u00fcfus bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r. Bu rakamlar Hindistan\u2019\u0131 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en kalabal\u0131k ikinci \u00fclkesi, y\u00fcz\u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcm\u00fc bak\u0131m\u0131ndansa d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck yedinci \u00fclkesi yapar. \u00dclke, kaplad\u0131\u011f\u0131 alan itibar\u0131yla \u00fc\u00e7 farkl\u0131 co\u011fraf\u00ee b\u00f6lgeye ayr\u0131l\u0131r: a) Ganj Ovas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 i\u00e7eren kuzey b\u00f6lgesi; b) Deccan b\u00f6lgesi ve c) Kerala ve Tamil Nadu eyaletlerinin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu g\u00fcney b\u00f6lgesidir (Kochanek 1975, 44).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ba\u015fkent Yeni Delhi\u2019nin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Bombay, Kalk\u00fcta, Madras \u00fclkenin \u00f6nemli \u015fehirleridir. N\u00fcfusun %85\u2019ini a\u015fk\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc Hindular olu\u015ftururken, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n oran\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131k %13 olup yakla\u015f\u0131k 120 milyona tekab\u00fcl eder (Dijkink 1996, 130).[2]<\/a> N\u00fcfusun %2.3\u2019\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturan Hristiyanlar ise, 25 milyon civar\u0131ndad\u0131r. N\u00fcfusa oran\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc s\u0131rada bulunan Sihizm n\u00fcfusu yakla\u015f\u0131k %1.9\u2019dur. Ayr\u0131ca, az say\u0131da da olsa Yahudi bulunmaktad\u0131r. Buna il\u00e2ve olarak, Budizm, Janizm, Zoroastrianism b\u00f6lgesel dinlerdir. Hinduizm bu anlamda, Budizm, Janizm ve Sihizm gibi din\u00ee yap\u0131larla baz\u0131 ortak y\u00f6nler i\u00e7erir. Dini \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k \u00fclke anayasas\u0131 sek\u00fcler bir yap\u0131 sergiler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Geni\u015f Hint co\u011frafyas\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6ller, kuzeyde Afganistan s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak 1600 mil boyunca uzanan d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en y\u00fcksek da\u011f silsilesi Hindiku\u015f Da\u011flar\u0131 ve Himalayalar, Hint Okyanusu\u2019nun g\u00fcneyindeki tropik iklimlerden ya\u011fmur ormanlar\u0131na kadar geni\u015f bir alan\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r. Himalayalar\u2019\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Aravalli, Ghats da\u011f silsileleri; kuzeyde Indus, Ganj ve Brahmaputra il\u00e2ve olarak do\u011fuda Godavari, Krishna ve Kaveri nehirleri geni\u015f ve verimli tar\u0131m alanlar\u0131n\u0131 sular (Mishra 2002, xiii, 10).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dclke s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 do\u011fuda Bengal K\u00f6rfezi\u2019nden bat\u0131da Arap Denizi\u2019ne kadar uzan\u0131rken, kuzeyde Himalayalar\u2019\u0131n Orta Asya ile do\u011fal s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olu\u015fturdu\u011fu b\u00f6lge Pakistan, Nepal ve \u00c7in\u2019le s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Bu b\u00f6lgedeki Indus, Ganj ve Brahmaputra nehirleri, ayn\u0131 zamanda kadim d\u00f6nemlerden bu yana, k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyetlerin do\u011fup geli\u015fti\u011fi bir b\u00f6lgedir. G\u00fcneyde Hint Okyanusu\u2019na kadar uzanan geni\u015f topraklar\u0131, Mannar ve Palk bo\u011fazlar\u0131 Sri Lanka\u2019yla s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 te\u015fkil eder. Hindistan, aralar\u0131nda Bhutan, Nepal, Banglade\u015f, Sri Lanka, Maldiv Adalar\u0131 ve Mauritius\u2019un bulundu\u011fu \u00fclkelerle G\u00fcney Asya\u2019y\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Hindistan, b\u00f6lgenin en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fclkesi olup, \u201cAltk\u0131ta\u201d ad\u0131yla an\u0131l\u0131r (Embree 1988, 111, 113; Mishra 2002, xiii, 10, 11; Kochanek 1975, 42; Banerji 2010, vi, 39; Wolpert 2006, xi; Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 182, 184).[3]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Farkl\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen g\u00f6\u00e7 dalgalar\u0131 \u00fclkenin \u00e7okk\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc ve etnikli yap\u0131s\u0131nda belirleyici unsur olurken, bu geli\u015fme \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcr emperyalizmi\u201dne de\u011fil, aksine katmanl\u0131 veya eklemli olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan k\u00fclt\u00fcr yap\u0131s\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. G\u00f6\u00e7men kitlelerinin birbirleriyle etkile\u015fimlerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, bug\u00fcne kadar toplumsal ve siyasal etkisini s\u00fcrd\u00fcren ve yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 Hindu din adamlar\u0131 yani, Brahmanlarca ortaya konan kast sistemi de bu s\u00fcrecin bir yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r (Tinker 1966, 9, 13; Firth 1964, 178).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uzun bir d\u00f6neme yay\u0131lan g\u00f6\u00e7 hadisesinde, g\u00fcneye yerle\u015fen koyu tenli Dravidyenlere kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k kuzey Hint topraklar\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131k tenli Aryanlar yerle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Dravidyenlerin kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 Sanskrit\u00e7e, ayn\u0131 zamanda Hinduizmin kutsal metinleri Vedalar<\/em>\u2019\u0131n da dilidir. Indus, Ganj ve Dekkan nehirleri ile g\u00fcneydeki yar\u0131mada \u00e7evresi g\u00f6\u00e7lerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi b\u00f6lge olarak \u00e7e\u015fitli k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyetlere ev sahipli\u011fi yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. (Rawlinson 1965, 5, 7; Tinker 1966, 6, 12; Chanda 1965, 11).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7o\u011ful etnik ve din\u00ee yap\u0131lanman\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak \u00fclkede \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 diller yer al\u0131r. Hint\u00e7e Anayasa\u2019da ulusal ve resm\u00ee dil kabul edilirken, daha \u00f6nce on \u00fc\u00e7 olan resm\u00ee dil say\u0131s\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde 18\u2019dir. Bunlar Assam, Bengali, G\u00fccerati, Kannada, Ke\u015fmiri, Konkani, Malalayam, Manipuri, Mahathi, Nepali, Oriya, Pencabi, Sankrit, Sindhi, Tamil, Telugu ve Urduca\u2019d\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca y\u00fczlerce alt etnik dilden bahsetmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011finin bir etkisi olarak g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde \u0130ngilizce resm\u00ee dil stat\u00fcs\u00fcnde olup metropolitan \u015fehirlerde de birinci dildir (Deol, 2000, 93; Tinker 1966, 5; Mishra 2002, 11). Dil farkl\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda siyas\u00ee liderler dil birli\u011fi sayesinde konsens\u00fcs olu\u015fturma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olsalar da, bunun s\u00fcreklilik arz etti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek zor. Bunun \u00f6rneklerinden birini Mo\u011follar olu\u015fturur. 16. y\u00fczy\u0131l ilk yar\u0131s\u0131nda b\u00f6lgede hakimiyet kuran Mo\u011follar s\u00fcre\u00e7te tek dil yani, Fars\u00e7a ile b\u00f6lge topluluklar\u0131n\u0131 tek bir aidiyet alt\u0131nda toplama gayreti i\u00e7inde oldular (Rawlinson 1965, 3).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kadim d\u00f6nemlerde Orta Asya\u2019dan b\u00f6lgeye yap\u0131lan g\u00f6\u00e7lerle gelen Aryan \u0131rk\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te altk\u0131tadaki yerli unsurlarla eklemlendi (Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 185;Watson 1999, 11, 30). Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, farkl\u0131 etnik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yap\u0131lar, komplike sosyo-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yap\u0131lar ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Hindistan bu zengin din\u00ee ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel unsurlar\u0131, tarih boyunca G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya topraklar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131yarak bu anlamda \u00c7in\u2019le rekabet i\u00e7inde oldu. S\u00f6z konusu co\u011frafyalardaki arkeolojik buluntular ve Sanskrit\u00e7e dil \u00f6gesine ait unsurlar, Hint k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn bu etkisinin birer kan\u0131t\u0131 niteli\u011findedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Hint k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn etkisi Sumatra Adas\u0131\u2019na 4. y\u00fczy\u0131l Borneo ve Cava Adalar\u0131\u2019na 5. y\u00fczy\u0131l ve Bali Adas\u0131\u2019na 6. y\u00fczy\u0131lda ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (Mill 1997, 165; Saxena 2006, 96-99).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan\u2019\u0131n tarihin erken evrelerinden itibaren do\u011fu-bat\u0131 ticaret g\u00fczerg\u00e2h\u0131nda yer almas\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyetlere mensup t\u00fcccar, seyyah, din ve bilim adam\u0131, sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 gibi farkl\u0131 meslek ve ilgiden gruplar i\u00e7in bir g\u00f6\u00e7 merkezi oldu. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, Hindistan\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131yla ili\u015fkileri Fenikeliler d\u00f6nemiyle ba\u015flarken, Siddhardtha\u2019n\u0131n (Buddha) \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan din haline getirilen \u00f6\u011fretilerinin \u00c7in\u2019e ula\u015fmas\u0131 iki co\u011frafya aras\u0131nda etkile\u015fimi art\u0131rd\u0131. \u00c7in gibi kadim bir medeniyet ile Avrupa k\u0131tas\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ticaret g\u00fczerg\u00e2h\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde yer almas\u0131; \u0130slamiyet\u2019in yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131yla s\u00fcrece ba\u015fta Arap milletleri olmak \u00fczere aralar\u0131nda T\u00fcrklerin de yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 farkl\u0131 milletlerden M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcndeme getirdi. Bu s\u00fcrecin bir ifadesi olarak Sanskrit\u00e7e, bir yandan Avrupa dillerinin anas\u0131 kabul edilen Latince\u2019ye di\u011fer tarafta Malay Yar\u0131madas\u0131, Cava ve Bali Adalar\u0131\u2019ndaki topluluklarca konu\u015fulan diller \u00fczerinde etkisi oldu (Firth 1964, 177; Marong Mahawangsa 2012, 189).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn bile kom\u015fu \u00fclkelerde a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak din\u00ee-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yap\u0131lanmalara bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, do\u011fuda ve kuzeyde Myanmar, \u00c7in, Nepal ve Bhutan\u2019\u0131n Budist; bat\u0131da \u0130ran ve Pakistan\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcneydo\u011fuda ise, Endonezya ve Malezya\u2019n\u0131n \u0130slam dininin genel kabul g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc co\u011frafyalar oldu\u011fu dikkat \u00e7eker. Bu din\u00ee yap\u0131lar\u0131n her birine de\u011fi\u015fik \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclerde ev sahipli\u011fi yapan Hindistan\u2019\u0131n, tarih boyunca neredeyse Asya k\u0131tas\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm din\u00ee ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yap\u0131lara kucak a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (Coed\u00e8s 1968, 5, 18). Buna ayr\u0131ca, b\u00f6lgenin kadim inan\u00e7 unsuru olarak animizm ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik d\u00f6nemindeki misyonerlik faaliyetleriyle Hristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n farkl\u0131 mezheplerinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da eklenmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dclke ekonomi, e\u011fitim, ticaret, din gibi neredeyse t\u00fcm sosyal kurumlar noktas\u0131nda, ge\u00e7mi\u015ften getirdi\u011fi farkl\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131 ve tezatlar\u0131 b\u00fcnyesinde ta\u015f\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, b\u00f6lgesel ve k\u00fcresel ticaret a\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde yer alan sahil \u015feridindeki liman \u015fehirleri ve bunlara eklemlenen geni\u015f bir hinterlanda kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, i\u00e7 b\u00f6lgelerde daha \u201cinek ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131\u201d (cow-belt<\/em>) ad\u0131yla da an\u0131lan tar\u0131m ve ilintili alanlarda k\u0131r toplumu \u00f6zelli\u011fi aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131l\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda, \u00fclke n\u00fcfusunun yakla\u015f\u0131k d\u00f6rtte \u00fc\u00e7\u00fc k\u0131rsalda ya\u015far ve bu alanda istihdam edilirken, genel anlam\u0131yla ge\u00e7im kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 da tar\u0131m ve hayvanc\u0131l\u0131k olu\u015fturur. \u00dclkenin temel besin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7eltik olmas\u0131 tar\u0131msal faaliyetlerde bu alan\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na neden olur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6neminden itibaren \u00f6zellikle liman \u015fehirleri ve \u00e7evresinde geli\u015fme g\u00f6steren sosyo-ekonomik yap\u0131la\u015fmalar, k\u00fcresel toplumla ili\u015fkilerde \u00f6nc\u00fc rol oynar. Ba\u015fkent Yeni Delhi, Bombay, Kalk\u00fcta, Madras gibi \u015fehirler metropolit nitelik arz eder ve modern d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00fclkedeki g\u00f6r\u00fcnen y\u00fcz\u00fcd\u00fcr (An Historical Account 2010, 2).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 ekonomi faaliyetlerinin yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu \u015fehirler, ayn\u0131 zamanda giderek ba\u015far\u0131 grafi\u011fi y\u00fckselen uluslararas\u0131 i\u015fletme, t\u0131p, uzay bilimleri, enformasyon teknolojileri, genetik gibi bilim dallar\u0131nda ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 kurulu\u015flara ev sahipli\u011fi yapar. Bu noktada, metropolitan \u015fehirlerdeki toplumsal hareketlilik \u00f6nemli bir yer tutarken, geni\u015f k\u0131r toplumunda ise geleneksel ve dura\u011fan ya\u015fam \u015fekilleri hakimdir. Bunda, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, bu topraklar\u0131n kadim sosyo-din\u00ee yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 olan kast sisteminin kayda de\u011fer bir yeri vard\u0131r. Kast sisteminin toplumsal olarak \u201cdokunulmazlar\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan alt unsurlar\u0131, yani \u201cDalits\u201d; topraklar\u0131n kadim sakinleri, yani yerli topluluklar \u201cAdivasis\u201d, ormanda g\u00f6\u00e7ebe ve toplay\u0131c\u0131 ya\u015fam s\u00fcren \u201cVanavasis\u201dler bu anlamda her anlamda b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f toplumun \u00f6geleridirler (Ray 2002, 39; Ahmed 2011, 46-7).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toplumsal tabakala\u015fma sistemi olan kast, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini, \u015fehirle\u015fme, e\u011fitim ve istihdam gibi toplumsal alanlarda da belirleyicidir. Bununla birlikte, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131 modernle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine paralel olarak kast sisteminde de \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeler g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde n\u00fcfusun %16.5\u2019ini kaplayan kast sisteminde, merkez\u00ee politikalarla e\u011fitim, istihdam vb. gibi alanlardaki kontenjanlarla toplumsal mobilitenin \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r (Mishra 2002, 11).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00fcnyan\u0131n be\u015finci b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomisi konumundaki Hindistan\u2019da tar\u0131msal \u00fcretim gayri safi milli has\u0131lan\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k %25\u2019ini olu\u015fturur. \u00c7eltik, \u00e7ay, bu\u011fday, ya\u011fl\u0131 tohumlar, hint keneviri, dar\u0131, kau\u00e7uk, kahve, \u015feker kam\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve baharatlar \u00f6nemli \u00fcr\u00fcnleridir. Ayr\u0131ca end\u00fcstri sekt\u00f6r\u00fc %30 ve servis sekt\u00f6r\u00fcyse %45 d\u00fczeyinde katk\u0131 yapar. N\u00fcfusun %30\u2019a yak\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 yoksulluk s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u0130hra\u00e7 \u00fcr\u00fcnleri aras\u0131nda \u00e7ay, kahve, baharatlar, demir \u00f6z\u00fc, tekstil, deri ve bilgisayar donan\u0131mlar\u0131 \u00f6nemli yer tutar. \u0130thalat \u00fcr\u00fcnleri aras\u0131nda ise petrol ve benzeri \u00fcr\u00fcnler, g\u00fcbre, tah\u0131l, yemeklik ya\u011f, ila\u00e7, k\u0131ymetli ve yar\u0131 k\u0131ymetli ta\u015flar bulunur. \u00dclkenin en \u00f6nemli ticaret orta\u011f\u0131 ABD\u2019dir (Mishra 2002, 12-3).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u0130YAS\u00ce TAR\u0130H<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Siyas\u00ee tarihini, din\u00ee-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel etkile\u015fimler kadar d\u00f6nemler ba\u011flam\u0131nda, \u00f6rne\u011fin klasik d\u00f6nem, Orta\u00e7a\u011f ve modern d\u00f6nem olarak ele almak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr (Tinker 1966, 6). Bu d\u00f6nemler a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da k\u0131saca ele al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130slam \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemdeKuzey Hindistan topraklar\u0131nda siyas\u00ee birli\u011fin sa\u011flanmas\u0131, M.\u00d6. 300 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Mauryas d\u00f6neminde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Mo\u011follar\u0131n hakimiyetinin g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc 11. y\u00fczy\u0131la kadar ise b\u00f6lge farkl\u0131 site devletlerinin hakimiyetine girdi (Chanda 1965, 11). S\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6nemi \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde de, <\/strong>daha \u00e7ok kuzeybat\u0131 ve kuzeydo\u011fu istikametinde kurulan devletlerin hakimiyeti s\u00f6z konusu oldu. Chandra Gupta (375-415), Samudra Gupta (330-380) hanedanl\u0131klar\u0131, G\u00fccerat Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 (1407-1573), Pallava Hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 (4-9. y\u00fczy\u0131l) ve Rajputlar (6. y\u00fczy\u0131l-19. y\u00fczy\u0131l) bu kapsamda say\u0131labilir (Tinker 1966, 17, 20).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n Hint Altk\u0131tas\u0131\u2019na n\u00fcfuzu ise, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n fethinin ard\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Araplar\u0131n \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde, geleneksel ticaret yollar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki etkinlikleri \u0130slamla\u015fmayla birlikte din\u00ee ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yap\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 da i\u00e7ine al\u0131r. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u0130slamiyet, Hindistan\u2019\u0131n bat\u0131 k\u0131y\u0131lar\u0131na 8. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015flar\u0131nda ula\u015ft\u0131. \u0130slamla\u015fma s\u00fcreci, \u00f6zellikle \u00fclkenin bat\u0131 ve kuzey b\u00f6lgelerinde yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131. 17. y\u00fczy\u0131lda her on ki\u015fiden birinin M\u00fcsl\u00fcman oldu\u011fu tahmin edilen Hindistan, bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada en \u00e7ok M\u00fcsl\u00fcman n\u00fcfusu bar\u0131nd\u0131ran \u00fclke konumundad\u0131r (Copland vd. 2012, 83).[4]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan\u2019da \u0130slamla\u015fma s\u00fcrecinde sufilerin de rol\u00fc vard\u0131r. Bu noktada, \u201cYarat\u0131c\u0131 sevgisi\u201d veya \u201cAllah a\u015fk\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131yla din\u00ee ya\u015fam\u0131 \u015fekillendirmeleri, Hind toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n tarihin erken d\u00f6nemlerinden itibaren yak\u0131n durdu\u011fu mistik bir din\u00ee alg\u0131n\u0131n kolayl\u0131kla benimsenmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Sufizmin de\u011ferlerinin Hindu ve Budizm\u2019in Bakthi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u0130slamla\u015fmay\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131ran bir y\u00f6n\u00fc oldu\u011fu belirtilir (Copland vd. 2012, 86).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkler \u0130slamla\u015f\u0131rken, bir yandan da Afganistan \u00fczerinden Hindistan\u2019a g\u00f6\u00e7leri s\u00f6z konusudur. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, farkl\u0131 T\u00fcrk kavimlerinin, 12. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonlar\u0131ndan itibaren Afgan ve Tatarlarla, ard\u0131ndan Mo\u011follarla s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri uzun d\u00f6nemli siyas\u00ee hakimiyetleri b\u00f6lgede T\u00fcrk siyas\u00ee ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00f6zelliklerinin yerle\u015fmesinde rol oynad\u0131 (Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 172).[5]<\/a> Bu noktada, T\u00fcrklerin Gaznelilerle ba\u015flayan hakimiyetleri Delhi (1206-1526) ve Dekkan sultanl\u0131klar\u0131yla devam etti (Mill 1997; 173; Wolpert 1982, 31, Bayur 1987, 127; Tinker 1966, 13-17). S\u00f6z konusu bu siyas\u00ee yap\u0131lar aras\u0131nda, T\u00fcrk-Afgan hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Tu\u011fluk Sultanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 (14. y\u00fczy\u0131l), Mo\u011fol hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 (1526-1857) vard\u0131r. Bu devletler, orta ve g\u00fcneye n\u00fcfuz edemeseler de, b\u00f6lgede etkisini bug\u00fcne kadar s\u00fcren bir iz b\u0131rakt\u0131 (Watson 1999, 17).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6nemiyse, 1498 y\u0131l\u0131nda Portekizli denizci Vasco da Gama\u2019n\u0131n Hindistan\u2019\u0131n Kalk\u00fcta liman\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1500\u2019l\u00fc y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda \u00f6zellikle Bat\u0131 Hindistan sahillerindeki \u00f6nemli liman \u015fehirlerinde hakimiyet kuran Portekizliler, 1511 y\u0131l\u0131nda Malaka Bo\u011faz\u0131\u2019nda Malaka Sultanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131 da ele ge\u00e7irmek suretiyle b\u00f6lgede hakimiyetlerini peki\u015ftirmi\u015f, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik d\u00f6neminde Hindistan\u2019da en \u00f6nemli tesiri b\u0131rakan ise \u0130ngilizler olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ngilizler, 17. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015flar\u0131nda, 1608 y\u0131l\u0131nda ilk ticaret filosunun Surat liman \u015fehrine gelmesiyle bu topraklara ayak bast\u0131lar. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 sadece Hindistan tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil, b\u00f6lge ve d\u00fcnya tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r. \u0130ngilizler, bu y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca d\u00f6nemin Mo\u011fol devletinden bat\u0131 ve do\u011fu sahillerindeki Surat, Goa, Madras, Bombay, Kalk\u00fcta gibi limanlarda ticar\u00ee imtiyazlar elde etti. 18. y\u00fczy\u0131lda ise Bengal\u2019de ba\u015flayan siyas\u00ee hakimiyet, Marathalar\u0131n ma\u011flup edilmesiyle Sind, Pencab gibi b\u00f6lgelere ula\u015ft\u0131. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l ortalar\u0131na gelindi\u011findeyse, \u0130ngilizlerin b\u00f6lgede kurduklar\u0131 imparatorluk, Pe\u015faver\u2019den Burma\u2019n\u0131n (Myanmar) liman \u015fehri Yangon\u2019a, Ke\u015fmir\u2019den Ceylon\u2019a (Sri Lanka) kadar uzanan geni\u015f bir co\u011frafyay\u0131 i\u00e7ine alacak \u015fekilde geni\u015flemi\u015ftir (An Historical Account 2010 1, 2, 5).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde idare,\u0130ngiliz y\u00f6netim sisteminin benzeri olup, Westminster ad\u0131yla an\u0131lan iki meclisle y\u00f6netilmekte ve h\u00fck\u00fcmeti temsil eden ba\u015fbakan\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 bulunmaktad\u0131r. Devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 \u00fclkede birli\u011fin sembol\u00fcd\u00fcr (Austin 1994, x;  Kochanek 2001, 18). Merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, \u00fclke 29 eyalete b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00fclke, <\/strong>demokrasiyle idareedilen en kabal\u0131k n\u00fcfusa sahip \u00fclke konumundad\u0131r. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131nda ulus-devlet in\u015fas\u0131nda \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131kta birlik\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan siyas\u00ee yakla\u015f\u0131m, \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6nemi, merkez\u00ee idare ve e\u011fitimi sayesinde elitler vas\u0131tas\u0131yla sa\u011flanan birli\u011fin bir devam\u0131d\u0131r (Watson 1999, 17).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bununla birlikte, d\u00f6nem d\u00f6nem \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma potansiyelinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131nda, \u00fclkedeki siyas\u00ee partilerin etnik yap\u0131, din ve hatta dil farkl\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131 \u00fczerine kurulu olmas\u0131n\u0131n etkisi vard\u0131r. Bu durum, toplumsal \u015fiddet kayna\u011f\u0131 olmakla birlikte, bu \u015fiddetten g\u00fc\u00e7 dev\u015firen bir nitelik de ta\u015f\u0131r (Austin 1994, 2). Farkl\u0131 nedenlerle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 atmosfere, Pencab\u2019da Sih, en kalabal\u0131k n\u00fcfuslu eyalet olan Uttar Prade\u015f\u2019de Hindu, Tamil Nadu\u2019da dravidyen hareketi, Bihar\u2019da kast gruplar\u0131n\u0131n vazge\u00e7ilmezli\u011fi, Assam\u2019da ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k hareketi gibi b\u00f6lgesel farkl\u0131la\u015fmalar \u00f6rnek g\u00f6sterilebilir (Dijkink 1996; 130; Austin 1994, 3, 6; Kochanek 1975, 40, 41; Pye-Pye 1985, 134, 135).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toplum yap\u0131s\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge tecr\u00fcbeleri noktas\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00fclkeleri aras\u0131nda yer alan Hindistan, benzer \u00fclkelerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda asker\u00ee darbelere konu olmamas\u0131, g\u00f6rece istikrarl\u0131 siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131 ve temelde ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131zlar blo\u011funda yer almas\u0131yla dikkat \u00e7eker (Jaffrelot 2008, 77).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

BA\u011eIMSIZLIK S\u00dcREC\u0130 ve SONRASI<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonu ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015flar\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k s\u00fcrecinde, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlarla Hindular aras\u0131nda \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 siyas\u00ee i\u015fbirli\u011fi g\u00fcndeme geldi, bu iki grup aras\u0131nda ortak m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi ve bu konuda bir komite olu\u015fturulmas\u0131na karar verildi. Hilafet Komitesi ve di\u011fer baz\u0131 alimler de bu ama\u00e7la birlik \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yla hareket etti.[6]<\/a> Bu d\u00f6nemde din fark\u0131 g\u00f6zetilmeksizin Hint milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 getirece\u011fi ve \u00fclkedeki t\u00fcm topluluklar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ve geleneksel kastlar\u0131 bir arada tutabilece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi hakimdi (Bose 2006, 67; Morris-Jones 1963, 10).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan, 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesinde baz\u0131 milletlere mensup temsilcilerin \u00e7e\u015fitli toplant\u0131larda biraraya gelmesiyle g\u00fcndeme gelen ve sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda \u201cba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131zlar\u201d hareketi i\u00e7erisinde yer ald\u0131 (Morris-Jones 1963, 9; Lefever 1976, 94-95). Bu ba\u011flamda, 10-15 \u015eubat 1927 tarihlerinde Br\u00fcksel\u2019de d\u00fczenlenen \u201cEmperyalizme ve S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci Bask\u0131ya Kar\u015f\u0131 Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k Heyeti Kongresi\u201d adl\u0131 toplant\u0131ya Jawaharlal Nehru da kat\u0131ld\u0131 (Guha 2014, 120-1; Noer 2012, 21, Mackie 2005, 10). Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131nda ise, Yeni Delhi\u2019de 27 \u00fclkenin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla Asya Konferans\u0131\u2019na ev sahipli\u011fi yapt\u0131 (Guha 2014, 134; Noer 2012, 105). Ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131zlar Hareketi\u2019nin kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir ad\u0131m tel\u00e2kki edilen Bandung Konferans\u0131\u2019nda (1955) Hindistan\u2019\u0131n kayda de\u011fer rol\u00fc vard\u0131r.[7]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda, Hint altk\u0131tas\u0131 15 A\u011fustos 1947 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hindistan ve Pakistan ad\u0131yla iki ayr\u0131 \u00fclkeye b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc. M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 topraklar, Do\u011fu Bengal\u2019i de i\u00e7ine alacak \u015fekilde Pakistan ad\u0131yla ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 il\u00e2n etti. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 etnik ve din\u00ee \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara konu olurken, yar\u0131m il\u00e2 bir milyon ki\u015fi hayat\u0131n\u0131 kaybederken, on milyon ki\u015fi m\u00fclteci konumuna d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc (Dijkink 1996, 129; Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 172, 186; Wood 1987, 17).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kurucu ba\u015fbakan Jawaharlal Nehru, Kongre Partisi ba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak 1951-1964 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda g\u00f6rev yapt\u0131. Nehru d\u00f6neminde, ulus-devlet olu\u015fumunu sa\u011flamaya y\u00f6nelik \u00e7abalara kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6neminde tarafs\u0131z d\u0131\u015f politika izleyen Hindistan\u2019\u0131n, s\u0131n\u0131r anla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedeniyle \u00c7in\u2019le 1962 y\u0131l\u0131nda Ekim-Kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda girdi\u011fi k\u0131sa s\u00fcreli sava\u015f\u0131 kaybetmesi ve iki s\u00fcper g\u00fc\u00e7 aras\u0131nda oynamak istedi\u011fi arac\u0131l\u0131k rol\u00fcnde ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olamamas\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 arenada imaj kayb\u0131na neden oldu (Pye-Pye 1985, 134-5; Kochanek 2001, 18, 19).[8]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dclkede geni\u015f kesimlerin yoksulluk ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck gelir s\u0131n\u0131flamas\u0131ndan kurtulamamas\u0131n\u0131n, merkez\u00ee y\u00f6netimdeki istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerle ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131 vard\u0131r. 1991-1992\u2019deki reformlara kadar i\u00e7e kapal\u0131 ve d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 reddeden ekonomi politikalar\u0131, b\u00fcrokrasideki yolsuzluk, siyas\u00eelerin gelecek kayg\u0131s\u0131yla siyas\u00ee kararlar almada gecikmeleri gibi fakt\u00f6rler bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te dikkat \u00e7eken unsurlard\u0131r (Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 171).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ard\u0131ndan k\u0131z\u0131 Indira Gandhi, \u00f6nemli sosyo-ekonomik sorunlar devr alan Indra Gandhi d\u00f6nemindeKongre Partisi\u2019nde ya\u015fanan krizler de ulusal siyasette etkili oldu. Uygulanan merkez\u00eeyet\u00e7i y\u00f6netim Pencab, Ke\u015fmir, Assam gibi eyaletlerde toplumsal huzursuzluklar\u0131n, \u00fclke y\u00f6netiminde ise genel anlamda yolsuzluklara neden oldu. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te muhalefet partisi Janata Partisi (JP), muhalefet hareketlerinin bir koalisyon g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak 1977 y\u0131l\u0131 se\u00e7imlerini kazansa da, reformlar konusunda somut ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1980\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda yeniden iktidara gelen Indira Gandhi ikinci d\u00f6nemini ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Partiyi ve h\u00fck\u00fcmeti tek ba\u015f\u0131na kontrol etme \u00e7abalar\u0131 siyas\u00ee krizi ve toplumsal b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeyi k\u00f6r\u00fckledi. Bunun bir sonucu olarak 1984 y\u0131l\u0131nda u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 suikastte hayat\u0131n\u0131 kaybederken yerine o\u011flu Rajiv Gandhi, partinin ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7mi\u015f, bir s\u00fcre sonra da ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k koltu\u011funa oturdu (Raghavan 2014, 228, 229, 241, 242; Kochanek 2001, 19, 20). Rajiv Gandhi\u2019nin iktidarda oldu\u011fu 1980\u2019li y\u0131llar yeni ekonomi modelinin hayata ge\u00e7irilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131llar oldu. Bu d\u00f6nemde, end\u00fcstri sekt\u00f6r\u00fcndeki k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, vergilerde kesinti yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi politikalar sayesinde y\u0131ll\u0131k b\u00fcy\u00fcme %8\u2019lere ula\u015ft\u0131 (Jaffrelot 2008, 77; Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 180).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rajiv\u2019in 1991 y\u0131l\u0131nda suikaste kurban gitmesinin ard\u0131ndan ba\u015fbakan olan Narasimha Rao(1991-1996) ekonomik reformlar\u0131 hayata ge\u00e7irmesi dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bug\u00fcn dahi reformcu bir ba\u015fbakan olarak an\u0131lmaktad\u0131r (Kochanek 2001, 23; Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 181).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te partinin \u00fclkeyi benzer \u00fclkelerdeki kalk\u0131nma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine ta\u015f\u0131yamamas\u0131, y\u00f6netime g\u00fcveni zedelerken, etnik unsurlar \u00e7e\u015fitli vesilelerle kendilerini \u015fiddetle tan\u0131mlad\u0131klar\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7lere y\u00f6neldi. Merkezi y\u00f6netimin, \u00f6zellikle Ke\u015fmir, Penjab gibi farkl\u0131 din\u00ee ve etnik yap\u0131lar\u0131n oldu\u011fu b\u00f6lgelerde uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 politikalar, buradaki kitleleri Hindularla \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir s\u00fcrece ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131. Merkez\u00ee y\u00f6netimin kay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve idare bo\u015flu\u011fu, eyalet y\u00f6netimlerinde gelecek vaadi ve \u00e7\u0131kar ili\u015fkileriyle yolsuzluk geni\u015f toplum kesimlerinin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, din\u00ee ve ekonomik taleplerinin yerine getirilmesine olanak tan\u0131mad\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

H\u0130ND\u0130STAN M\u0130LL\u0130YET\u00c7\u0130L\u0130\u011e\u0130NDEN H\u0130NDU M\u0130LL\u0130YET\u00c7\u0130L\u0130\u011e\u0130NE<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin en \u00f6nemli kurumsal yap\u0131s\u0131 olan \u2018Hindistan Ulusal Kongresi\u2019 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonlar\u0131nda kuruldu. Kongre o d\u00f6nem, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimi i\u00e7erisinde yerli unsurlar\u0131n e\u011fitim ve istihdam alanlar\u0131nda daha \u00e7ok yer almalar\u0131 ve b\u00f6ylece toplumsal mobilitenin geli\u015fmesi hedefini g\u00fcd\u00fcyordu. Ard\u0131ndan, \u00f6zellikle 1. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda Gandhi \u00f6nderli\u011finde i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla ulusal bir harekete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc (Weiner 1964, 101). Bu toplumsal hareketin en dikkat \u00e7eken \u00f6zelliklerinden biri ise, \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimiyle m\u00fccadelede, Hindistan milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlarla Hindular\u0131n bir araya gelmesi konusundaki \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r (Guha 2014, 124; Brown 1989, 141).[9]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6te yandan, Gandi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin Hristiyanl\u0131ktan etkilendi\u011fi ve geleneksel Hindu m\u00fccadeleci gelene\u011fini yans\u0131tmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcren \u00e7evreler, Hindu milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi hedefiyle 1925 y\u0131l\u0131nda Ulusal G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc Organizasyonu (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-RSS) \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda biraraya geldiler. Hindular\u0131n \u00f6nceli\u011fine dayanan ve militarist bir hareket \u00f6zelli\u011fi g\u00f6steren bu yap\u0131n\u0131n dikkat \u00e7eken \u00f6zelli\u011fiyse, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kendisine rakip g\u00f6rmesiydi. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren bu hareketin son d\u00f6nemde ulusal siyasetteki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ysa, Hindistan Halk Partisi\u2019nin (Bharatiya Janata Party-BJP) iktidara ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131 oldu (Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 190).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Etnik din\u00ee milliyet\u00e7ilik veya kom\u00fcnalizm olarak da adland\u0131r\u0131lan \u201cHindutva\u201d kavram\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00e7e\u015fitli Hindu milliyet\u00e7ilik hareketlerini i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131ran bu Hindu hareketi, yeni bir t\u00fcr Hindu toplumu olu\u015fturmay\u0131 hedefler. Sangh Parivar, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) -ki daha \u00f6nce Bharatiya Jana Singh (BJS) ad\u0131yla faaliyet g\u00f6steriyordu-, Bajrang Dal ve Vishwa Hindu Parishad gibi siyas\u00ee ve toplumsal hareketleri b\u00fcnyesinde bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r. Bu hareketin M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara y\u00f6nelik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, 1992 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hindular\u0131n Uttar Prade\u015f\u2019deki Ayodhya \u015fehrindeki Bab\u00fcr Camii\u2019ni y\u0131kmalar\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar (Noorani 2004, 1; Graham 1992, 4; Guha 2014, 29; Choudhary 2010, 1, 93-95).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindu milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u00fczerinden siyaset yapan bu \u00e7evrelerin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n temelinde, bu topraklarda y\u00fczy\u0131llar boyunca M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131nda ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f olman\u0131n getirdi\u011fi bir a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131k kompleksi ve ezilmi\u015fli\u011fi vard\u0131r. Caminin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde oldu\u011fu gibi, RSS ve \u201cTanr\u0131 \u015eiva ordusu\u201d (Shiv Sena<\/em>) gibi militarist Hindu organizasyonlar\u0131, s\u00fcre\u00e7te BJP ile ortak hareket etmektedirler. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, \u00fclke modern tarihinde Hindistan\u2019\u0131n bir \u201cHindu devleti\u201d oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131ndaki bir siyasi ideolojinin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131na da i\u015faret eder (Dobbs-Higginson 1993, 185, 186). Sek\u00fcler bir siyas\u00ee hareket olan Kongre Partisi\u2019nin uzun y\u0131llar \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6netmesine bir tepki olarak, Hindu milliyet\u00e7isi BJP giderek siyasal ya\u015famda s\u00f6z sahibi oldu. Bug\u00fcn hindutva hareketinin BJP ba\u011flam\u0131nda siyas\u00ee bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelmesi genelde \u00fclke b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne, \u00f6zelde ise M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n g\u00fcvenli\u011fi ve Ke\u015fmir gibi hassas bir b\u00f6lgeler i\u00e7in tehdit niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Bunun en son a\u015famas\u0131 ise 2014 genel se\u00e7imlerinde Hindu milliyet\u00e7isi olarak bilinen BJY\u2019nin iktidara gelmesi olmu\u015ftur.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ulusal birli\u011fi sek\u00fcler bir temel \u00fczerine oturtmas\u0131 ve dini ve etnik gruplar aras\u0131nda e\u015fit mesafenin korunarak kalk\u0131nman\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesini hedefleyen Nehru\u2019dan sonra bug\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i Hindu yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n giderek g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n ne \u00fclkenin i\u00e7 politika ve toplumsal d\u00fczenine ne de b\u00f6lgesel ve d\u00fcnya bar\u0131\u015f\u0131na katk\u0131s\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur. Hindu milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi, \u00fclkeyi i\u00e7e kapat\u0131c\u0131 bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131makta ve kaosa s\u00fcr\u00fckleme e\u011filimini b\u00fcnyesinde bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ULUSLARARASI \u0130L\u0130\u015eK\u0130LER<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan\u2019\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerini, geneli itibar\u0131yla 1947-1980 ile 1980 ve sonras\u0131 olarak ikiye ay\u0131rmak gerekir. Ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131zlar grubuna mensup olmas\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ilk d\u00f6nemde uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerde Asya ve Afrika k\u0131tas\u0131ndaki eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrge topraklar\u0131ndaki \u00fclkeler \u00f6nceli\u011fi olu\u015fturuyordu. Pakistan ve \u00c7in\u2019le ya\u015fanan s\u0131n\u0131r anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131 ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda d\u00f6nem d\u00f6nem ABD ve Rusya ile yak\u0131nla\u015fmalar g\u00f6r\u00fclse de, bunun kapsaml\u0131 bir ili\u015fki d\u00fczeyine ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1947 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hindistan ve Pakistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olu\u015fturan Ke\u015fmir b\u00f6lgesi nedeniyle iki \u00fclke aras\u0131nda ba\u015flayan anla\u015fmazl\u0131k bug\u00fcne kadar devam etmektedir. Bu nedenle Hindistan, 1947-48, 1965 ve 1971\u2019de Pakistan\u2019la s\u0131cak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya girerken, Himalayalar s\u0131n\u0131r anla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedeniyle de 1962\u2019de \u00c7in\u2019le \u00e7at\u0131\u015ft\u0131 (Wolpert 1982, 115, 118; Raghavan 2014, 237). Hindistan, 1971 y\u0131l\u0131nda Banglade\u015f\u2019in ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda rol oynarken, bug\u00fcne kadar bu \u00fclkenin i\u00e7 siyasetinde de belirleyici rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (Shaikh 2014, 290).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uzun bir d\u00f6nem, i\u00e7e kapal\u0131 ve kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc demokrasisiyle \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00fclkesi \u00f6zelli\u011fini koruyan Hindistan, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6neminin sona erdi\u011fi 1980\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren, ekonomi ve g\u00fcvenlik stratejileri noktas\u0131nda \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerle ili\u015fkiler geli\u015ftirilmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. ABD ve Rusya\u2019yla ili\u015fkilerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, ekonomide liberal politikalar g\u00fcden \u00fclke Bat\u0131l\u0131 \u00fclkelerden ziyade G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya \u00dclkeleri Birli\u011fi (ASEAN) ve Japonya ile ili\u015fkilerin geli\u015ftirilmesini hedefleyen \u2018Do\u011fu Politikas\u0131\u2019na \u00f6ncelik verdi. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 ayn\u0131 zamanda b\u00f6lgede giderek \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flayan di\u011fer g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00c7in\u2019le rekabet anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yordu (Ram 2012, 63; Naidu 2012, 79, 82)[10]<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerde \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan bir di\u011fer alan, enerji, ticaret ve i\u015f\u00e7i g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc gibi nedenlerle K\u00f6rfez \u00dclkeleri aras\u0131nda i\u015fbirli\u011finin geli\u015fmesidir. \u00d6zellikle 2000\u2019li y\u0131llardan itibaren ticari ve ekonomik ili\u015fkilerde K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkeleri \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Hindistan\u2019\u0131n kalk\u0131nma hamlesinde ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu enerji kayna\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkelerinin geli\u015fimine paralel olarak i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kapatmaya y\u00f6nelik talebi iki b\u00f6lge aras\u0131nda tarihsel olarak var olan g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7i ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na yeni bir boyut kazand\u0131rd\u0131.[11]<\/a> Son yirmi y\u0131lda ise, k\u00fcresel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde \u00e7oklu ili\u015fkiler ilkesine uygun \u015fekilde Rusya, ABD, Fransa, Japonya ve \u00c7in\u2019le \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00fczeylerle i\u015fbirli\u011fi s\u00f6z konusudur.[12]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde giderek \u00f6nem kazanan Asya-Pasifik b\u00f6lgesinde \u00c7in\u2019in yay\u0131lmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Hindistan, ABD ile yak\u0131nla\u015fma e\u011filimindedir. 1994 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren ABD ile yap\u0131lan asker\u00ee i\u015fbirli\u011fi ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz Temmuz ay\u0131nda Japonya\u2019n\u0131n da kat\u0131lmas\u0131yla Asya-Pasifik b\u00f6lgesinde yeni bir siyas\u00ee ve asker\u00ee yap\u0131la\u015fmaya \u00f6rnek te\u015fkil eder. Bu s\u00fcrece paralel olarak askeri harcamalar da 1994 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6stermektedir. G\u00fcvenlik politikalar\u0131nda \u0130srail\u2019le i\u015fbirli\u011fi halindeki Hindistan, uluslararas\u0131 birlikler noktas\u0131nda kendi grubu \u00fclkelerle hareket etmektedir. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede bug\u00fcn BRISC olarak bilinen yap\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fumunda 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda Brezilya ve G\u00fcney Afrika ile biraraya gelerek IBSA kurulu\u015funda yer ald\u0131 (Jaffrelot 2008, 82, 83).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00dcRK\u0130YE-H\u0130ND\u0130STAN \u0130L\u0130\u015eK\u0130LER\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ki \u00fclke ili\u015fkilerinde tarih\u00ee referanslar\u0131n bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 olabilece\u011fine ku\u015fku yoktur. Bununla birlikte bug\u00fcn\u00fcn b\u00f6lgesel ve uluslararas\u0131 geli\u015fmeleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ikili ili\u015fkiler yeni a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mlara konu olmaya adayd\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrk k\u00f6kenli h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131 tarihin de\u011fi\u015fik d\u00f6nemlerinde Hint topraklar\u0131nda h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrmeleri ve T\u00fcrk topluluklar\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00f6nemlerde bu topraklara g\u00f6\u00e7leriyle geni\u015f Hint toplumuna katk\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Yak\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ise, \u2018hilafet hareketi\u2019 ad\u0131yla Hint m\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n Osmanl\u0131 devletine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 bug\u00fcne kadar devam eden manevi etkile\u015fimde bir di\u011fer yap\u0131c\u0131 unsurdur (The Indian Khilafat Decleration 1920, 2). 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonu ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015flar\u0131nda, milliyet\u00e7ilik ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k hareketlerine konu olan iki \u00fclkenin, modern d\u00f6nemde demokratik y\u00f6netim \u015fekli ve \u2018laik\/sek\u00fcler\u2019 yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 bir ba\u015fka ortak payday\u0131 te\u015fkil eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye Nato ve AB \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde bat\u0131 blo\u011funda, Hindistan ise ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131zlar hareketi i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan bu yap\u0131la\u015fma kayda de\u011fer bir de\u011fi\u015fme e\u011filimindedir. \u00d6zellikle, son yirmi y\u0131lda k\u00fcresel ili\u015fkilerdeki farkl\u0131la\u015fmalar, her \u00fclkenin ayn\u0131 anda de\u011fi\u015fik siyasi bloklar i\u00e7erisinde yer almas\u0131na olanak tan\u0131makta, hatta zorunlu k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Avrupa ve Asya, Hindistan\u2019\u0131n ise Bat\u0131 Asya ve Uzak Do\u011fu-G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya aras\u0131ndaki jeo-stratejik konumu iki \u00fclkeyi birbirine yakla\u015ft\u0131rmada \u00f6nemli bir referans niteli\u011findedir. T\u00fcrkiye ASEAN ve Uzak Do\u011fu ile ili\u015fkilerini geli\u015ftirme, Hindistan ise Avrupa ile yak\u0131nla\u015fma arzusundad\u0131r. Bu noktada, enerji yollar\u0131, deniz ve kara ticaret g\u00fczerg\u00e2hlar\u0131, yeni yat\u0131r\u0131m ve ortakl\u0131klar iki \u00fclkenin hem birbirleriyle hem de \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc \u00fclkelerle kurulacak b\u00f6lgesel i\u015fbirliklerinde \u00f6nemli bir potansiyele sahiptir. Hindistan\u2019\u0131n BRICS olu\u015fumu i\u00e7erisinde yer almas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin giderek Rusya ve \u00c7in\u2019le yak\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131; \u015eangay Be\u015flisi olu\u015fumunda Hindistan\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6zlemci, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin diyalog orta\u011f\u0131 olmas\u0131 iki \u00fclkeyi b\u00f6lgesel i\u015fbirlikleri noktas\u0131nda ayn\u0131 zeminde hareket etmelerine olanak tan\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan\u2019la hemen her alanda ili\u015fkileri geli\u015ftirme imkan\u0131na sahip olan T\u00fcrkiye, t\u0131pk\u0131 1956\u2019da Pakistan-Afganistan s\u0131n\u0131r anla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi, son d\u00f6nemde k\u00fcresel bir sorun haline gelen Hindistan-Pakistan aras\u0131ndaki Ke\u015fmir sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne de katk\u0131 yapabilir. Bu noktada, Hindistan\u2013Pakistan \u00e7eki\u015fmesi ve \u00f6zellikle de Ke\u015fmir sorunu T\u00fcrkiye-Hindistan ili\u015fkileri \u00f6n\u00fcnde engel olmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Aksine mevcut sorunlar b\u00f6lgesel ili\u015fkiler \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc ve yap\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ke\u015fmir b\u00f6lgesinin jeo-politik ve jeo-stratejik \u00f6nemiyle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma kayna\u011f\u0131 olmas\u0131, sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcnde b\u00f6lgedeki akt\u00f6rler kadar, k\u00fcresel \u00e7evreleri de yak\u0131ndan ilgilendirmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin alt k\u0131ta politikalar\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye-Banglade\u015f ili\u015fkileri de \u00f6nemlidir. 1971 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k s\u00fcrecinde ya\u015fayanlar\u0131n son d\u00f6nemde Cemaat-i \u0130slamiye y\u00f6nelik hak ihlalleri ve bask\u0131lar \u015feklinde g\u00fcndeme gelmesi \u00fczerine T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi refleks Banglade\u015fle ili\u015fkileri gerginle\u015fmesine neden olmu\u015ftur. Bu noktada, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Arakanl\u0131 M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar konusundaki yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n da Banglade\u015f h\u00fck\u00fcmeti nezdinde olumlu yank\u0131 buldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek g\u00fc\u00e7. Banglade\u015f\u2019te geni\u015f yoksul kesimlere il\u00e2ve olarak y\u00fczbinlerce Arakanl\u0131 m\u00fclteci a\u011f\u0131r bir sosyal ve ekonomik y\u00fcke neden olmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye bu noktada Banglade\u015f ve ilgili \u00fclkelerle yeni politikalar geli\u015ftirmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Banglade\u015fle ili\u015fkilerini k\u00f6kl\u00fc ve yap\u0131c\u0131 \u015fekilde yeniden ele almal\u0131d\u0131r. Banglade\u015f\u2019in ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde ve bug\u00fcne kadarki i\u00e7 politikas\u0131nda Hindistan\u2019\u0131n etkin oldu\u011fu ortadad\u0131r. Bu nedenle T\u00fcrkiye, her \u00fc\u00e7 \u00fclkeyle yani Hindistan, Pakistan ve Banglade\u015f\u2019le ili\u015fkilerinde taraflar\u0131 ortak paydada bulu\u015fturacak politikalara y\u00f6nelmeli, bu t\u00fcr politikalar olu\u015fturulmas\u0131na \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye, Hindistan merkez olmak \u00fczere bu \u00fc\u00e7 \u00fclkeyle ili\u015fkilerinde i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapabilece\u011fi di\u011fer \u00fclkeler ve uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar\u0131 hareket ge\u00e7irmelidir. Bu noktada, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u0130slam \u0130\u015fbirli\u011fi Te\u015fkilat\u0131 (\u0130\u0130T), BRICS, D- 8, \u015eangay Be\u015flisi, K\u00f6rfez \u00dclkeleri \u0130\u015fbirli\u011fi Konseyi ile Japonya, Endonezya, Malezya ve baz\u0131 Arap \u00fclkeleriyle alt k\u0131tada b\u00f6lgesel bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n tesisi ile e\u011fitim, ticaret ve ekonomik kalk\u0131nmas\u0131na deste\u011fi s\u00f6z konusu olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu noktada, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da de\u011finilece\u011fi \u00fczere Hindistan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zellikle K\u00f6rfez \u00dclkeleri\u2019yle kurdu\u011fu sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 ili\u015fkinin bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te daha yap\u0131c\u0131 ili\u015fkilerdeki rol\u00fc dikkate al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

     G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde k\u00fcresel bir sorun haline gelen ter\u00f6rizm konusunda ortak bir tan\u0131m ve m\u00fccadele sergilenmesi ili\u015fkilerde g\u00fcven tesisinde \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Bu konuda g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f birli\u011fi ve ortak mekanizmalar\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131, b\u00f6lgesel sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne katk\u0131 sa\u011flayacakt\u0131r. Hindistan ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Narendra Modi\u2019nin 2015 y\u0131l\u0131 A\u011fustos ay\u0131nda Birle\u015fik Arap Emirliklerine ve 2016 y\u0131l\u0131 Nisan ay\u0131nda Suudi Arabistan\u2019a yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 resmi ziyaretlerde i\u015fbirli\u011finde \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan konular aras\u0131nda ter\u00f6rle m\u00fccadelenin yer almas\u0131 bu konuda b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinin istekli oldu\u011funa bir i\u015farettir. T\u00fcrkiye, bu noktada Hindistan\u2019\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, Pakistan ve Banglade\u015f\u2019i d\u0131\u015flamayan yeni form\u00fclasyonlar\u0131 g\u00fcndeme getirmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ke\u015fmir sorununun, ba\u015fta Ke\u015fmir halk\u0131 olmak \u00fczere Pakistan ve b\u00f6lgede ordusunun d\u00f6rtte birini bar\u0131nd\u0131ran Hindistan i\u00e7in ekonomik bir kay\u0131p oldu\u011fu ortadad\u0131r. Ke\u015fmir sorununun bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir \u015fekilde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc her \u00fc\u00e7 taraf\u0131n faydas\u0131na olaca\u011f\u0131 gibi b\u00f6lgenin Orta Asya, Bat\u0131 Asya, Rusya ve \u00c7in ile ili\u015fkilerinde de s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir bir nitelik kazanacakt\u0131r. Tarihi ticaret ve g\u00f6\u00e7 yollar\u0131 \u00fczerinde bulunan, yer alt\u0131 ve \u00fcst\u00fc zenginliklerine sahip Ke\u015fmir\u2019e gelecek bar\u0131\u015f b\u00f6lgeye yeni bir dinamizm katacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu noktada \u015fu hususlar \u00f6nem arz etmektedir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan\u2019daki y\u00fcz milyonu a\u015fk\u0131n M\u00fcsl\u00fcman n\u00fcfusun temsil makam\u0131ndaki \u00e7e\u015fitli alanlarda faaliyet g\u00f6steren sivil olu\u015fumlar\u0131yla temaslar\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir \u015fekilde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmelidir;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7e\u015fitli eyaletlerde faal olan M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n y\u00f6netimindeki yerel idarelerle e\u011fitim, teknik, alt yap\u0131 ve yat\u0131r\u0131m alanlarda i\u015fbirliklerine a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k verilmelidir;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Banglade\u015f ve Pakistan\u2019la e\u011fitim, dini-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve siyasi ili\u015fkiler b\u00f6lge bar\u0131\u015f\u0131na hizmet edecek \u015fekilde \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc ve s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir olarak yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yar\u0131 resm\u00ee kurumlar ve stk\u2019lar kal\u0131c\u0131 ve stratejik faaliyetleriyle resmi kurumlar\u0131n ba\u015flatt\u0131klar\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7leri desteklemelidir;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan\u2019\u0131n farkl\u0131 etnik ve dil gruplar\u0131ndan giderek daha \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u00f6\u011frencinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00f6\u011frenim g\u00f6rmesi sa\u011flanmal\u0131d\u0131r;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrk akademi \u00e7evreleri, zengin Hindistan tarihi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere son d\u00f6nemde geli\u015fme g\u00f6steren m\u00fchendislik, t\u0131p ve uzay bilimleri alanlar\u0131nda \u00e7e\u015fitli ara\u015ft\u0131rma geli\u015ftirme projeleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde iki \u00fclke aras\u0131nda yap\u0131c\u0131 s\u00fcrece katk\u0131da bulunmal\u0131d\u0131r;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Turizm ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fim programlar\u0131yla toplumlar\u0131n birbirlerini yak\u0131ndan tan\u0131mas\u0131 te\u015fvik edilmelidir;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tarihi, dini-sosyal, ekonomi, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler gibi alanlarda akademik ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar geli\u015ftirilmeli ve \u00e7e\u015fitli enstit\u00fcler vas\u0131tas\u0131yla ortak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma gruplar\u0131 kurulmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

H\u0130ND\u0130STAN\u2019IN \u0130SLAM CO\u011eRAFYASI A\u00c7ISINDAN \u00d6NEM\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130slam \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemden ba\u015flayan ili\u015fkiler \u0130slamiyetin 8. y\u00fczy\u0131ldan itibaren Hindistan\u2019da yay\u0131lmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131yla Hint topluluklar\u0131 ve \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131 aras\u0131nda ili\u015fkiler bug\u00fcne kadar \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00fczeylerde devam etmektedir. Arap, Fars ve ard\u0131ndan T\u00fcrkler karadan Hind topraklar\u0131na ge\u00e7erken, bu b\u00f6lge ayn\u0131 zamanda M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n denizden G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya ve Uzakdo\u011fu seyahatlerinde de aktarma organ\u0131 olmas\u0131yla \u00f6nem kazand\u0131. Bug\u00fcn Hindistan haritas\u0131nda \u00fclkenin kuzeydo\u011fu ve kuzey, g\u00fcney bat\u0131 ve g\u00fcneydo\u011fu b\u00f6lgesinde yo\u011funla\u015fan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman n\u00fcfus bu yap\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n bir sonucudur. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fclkenin kuzeybat\u0131-kuzeydo\u011fu b\u00f6lgelerinde \u00e7e\u015fitli \u0130slam sultanl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fmas\u0131na farkl\u0131 dini-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve medeniyet geli\u015fimine konu olmu\u015ftur. Bu anlamda Hindistan, \u0130slam k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyet miras\u0131 konusunda kayda de\u011fer bir yere sahiptir.[13]<\/a>       <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan, sadece Bat\u0131 Asya ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar i\u00e7in de\u011fil, G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya\u2019da geni\u015f Malay toplumlar\u0131 i\u00e7in de tarihsel olarak \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde, Hint dini-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve siyasi n\u00fcfuzu b\u00f6lgede kendini hissettirirken, iki co\u011frafya aras\u0131nda kayda de\u011fer ticari s\u00fcre\u00e7ler ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Hindistan topraklar\u0131nda ya\u015fayan Arap, Fars gibi M\u00fcsl\u00fcman milletler kadar, Hint k\u00f6kenli M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 zamanla Tak\u0131madalar b\u00f6lgesinde i\u015fbirli\u011finin geli\u015fmesinde rol oynad\u0131. Hint M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fiyle birlikte Do\u011fu ve G\u00fcney Afrika topraklar\u0131nda ticari faaliyetleri zamanla bir diaspora olu\u015fturdu (Reeve 2009, 58).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6nemi, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ve Hindu kitlelerin benzer ko\u015fullar\u0131 tecr\u00fcbe etmelerine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonu ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015flar\u0131nda iki taraf\u0131 da s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ortak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k duygusuyla hareket etmelerini sa\u011flad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ise Hindistan ile baz\u0131 \u0130slam \u00fclkeleri aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin ticari ve ekonomik ili\u015fkiler d\u00fczeyinde oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bir yanda petrol zengini Arap \u00fclkeleri \u00f6te yanda palmiye ya\u011f\u0131, kau\u00e7uk ve baharat zengini G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya Malay d\u00fcnyas\u0131 ile Hindistan aras\u0131nda kayda de\u011fer ili\u015fkiler s\u00f6z konusudur. Bu ili\u015fkinin birincil alan\u0131nda petrol fakt\u00f6r\u00fc dikkat \u00e7ekerken, Hindistan enerji kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 elinde tutan baz\u0131 Arap \u00fclkeleriyle yak\u0131n ili\u015fki i\u00e7erisindedir. Ayr\u0131ca, k\u00fcreselle\u015fen ekonomi ve mobilizasyonun bir ifadesi olarak, K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkeleri ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere Ortado\u011fu\u2019da i\u015f\u00e7i olarak \u00f6nemli say\u0131da Hint M\u00fcsl\u00fcman diasporas\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edilebilir (Reeves 2009, 57).[14]<\/a> Malezya-Endonezya ile g\u00fcndeme gelen G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya Malay d\u00fcnyas\u0131yla ili\u015fkiler ise tarihsel bir devaml\u0131l\u0131k arz etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

KE\u015eM\u0130R SORUNU<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Himalayalar ve Karakum aras\u0131nda uzanan, Pakistan, Hindistan ve \u00c7in\u2019le \u00e7evrili Ke\u015fmir b\u00f6lgesi, \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011finin 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda Hint alt k\u0131tas\u0131ndan ayr\u0131l\u0131rken b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir sorun olmaya devam ediyor. Bu ba\u011flamda, bu sorun, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik d\u00f6neminin siyas\u00ee, ekonomik, sosyal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcne kalan bir miras\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6neminde \u0130ngilizlerin do\u011frudan y\u00f6netimi alt\u0131na girmeyen Ke\u015fmir b\u00f6lgesi, Alt k\u0131tan\u0131n 1947\u2019de Hindistan ve Pakistan olarak ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan bir oldu bittiye getirilerek ikiye ayr\u0131ld\u0131. D\u00f6nemin Hindistan ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Nehru, Ke\u015fmirlilerin geleceklerini kendilerinin belirleyece\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde hem uluslararas\u0131 camia hem de Ke\u015fmirlilere s\u00f6z vermesi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7eli\u015fkinin ifadesidir (Khan 2008, 52). Ancak, o g\u00fcnden bu yana, kadim Ke\u015fmir topraklar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7te birini olu\u015fturan kuzeyde Azad Ke\u015fmir Pakistan\u2019\u0131n, \u00fc\u00e7te ikisini olu\u015fturan g\u00fcneydeki Vadi, Ladakh ve Jammu ise Hindistan\u2019\u0131n kontrol\u00fcndedir (Malik 1997, 161-2).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn Ke\u015fmir\u2019de olan biteni anlayabilmek i\u00e7in, ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ya\u015fananlara k\u0131saca bakmakta fayda var. S\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6neminde alt k\u0131tan\u0131n di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerinde oldu\u011fu gibi \u00f6zerk bir prenslik olan Ke\u015fmir\u2019de halk\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu m\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmakla birlikte, Hindu siyasi elit taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netiliyordu. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k s\u00fcrecinde \u0130ngilizler, di\u011fer prenslikler gibi Ke\u015fmir\u2019i de Pakistan ve Hindistan\u2019dan birini se\u00e7me konusunda tercihe zorlamas\u0131 Ke\u015fmir\u2019de s\u00fcreci \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma y\u00f6n\u00fcne \u00e7evirdi. Ke\u015fmir halk\u0131na destek anlam\u0131nda Pakistan ordusu Ke\u015fmir topraklar\u0131na girerken, d\u00f6nemin Hindu y\u00f6neticisi Delhi\u2019ye s\u0131\u011f\u0131narak Ke\u015fmir\u2019in Hindistan egemenli\u011fine ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 il\u00e2n etti. Ke\u015fmir halk\u0131 ve y\u00f6neticisi aras\u0131ndaki bu siyasi karar farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, b\u00f6lgenin Pakistan ve Hindistan aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131 (Chadha 1997, 447; Dijkink 1996, 132; Ray 2002, 37).[15]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ya\u015fanan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar \u00fczerine Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler devreye girerek Ke\u015fmir halk\u0131n\u0131n kendi gelece\u011fine karar vermesi i\u00e7in referandum y\u00f6n\u00fcnde g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f belirtti (Malik 1997, 167). 1910\u2019lu y\u0131llarda Woodrow Wilson\u2019un ortaya koydu\u011fu ve ard\u0131ndan 1948 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hindistan\u2019\u0131n Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler\u2019e ba\u015fvurmas\u0131 \u00fczerine al\u0131nan, yani Ke\u015fmirlilerin Pakistan\u2019a m\u0131, yoksa Hindistan\u2019a m\u0131 ba\u011flanmak istediklerine karar vermeleri y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme y\u00f6nelik karara ra\u011fmen, Hindistan y\u00f6netimi BM kararlar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mamaktad\u0131r. Hindistan, Ke\u015fmirlilerin kendi siyasi geleceklerini belirlemesine olanak tan\u0131mamas\u0131 ve BM\u2019nin kararlar\u0131n\u0131 dikkate almamas\u0131yla Ke\u015fmir sorununun birincil sorumlusu konumundad\u0131r (Khan 2008, 50; Doctor 1987, 153).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Temelde BM karar\u0131, Pakistan y\u00f6netiminin de ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyas\u00ee kararla benzerlik g\u00f6stermektedir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7le, Ke\u015fmir sorununun uluslararas\u0131 nitelik ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 kan\u0131tlan\u0131rken, BM taraf\u0131ndan ilk bar\u0131\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fc misyonu Ke\u015fmir i\u00e7in g\u00fcndeme gelse de, Hindistan\u2019\u0131n reddi \u00fczerine b\u00f6lgenin askerden ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00e7abas\u0131 sonu\u00e7 vermemi\u015f, ya\u015fanan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar sonras\u0131nda 1 Ocak 1949 tarihinde BM \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde ate\u015fkes sa\u011fland\u0131. Pakistan ve Hindistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan sonraki bu bir y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre zarf\u0131nda tarih\u00ee olarak Ke\u015fmir olarak bilinen topraklar\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7te ikisi Jammu-Ke\u015fmir ad\u0131yla Hindistan ordusunca i\u015fgal alt\u0131nda tutulurken, kuzeydeki b\u00f6lge \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcr\u201d anlam\u0131na gelen \u201cAzad Ke\u015fmir\u201d ad\u0131yla an\u0131lmaya ba\u015fland\u0131 (Wolpert 1982, 115, 117; Malik 1997, 162).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu ba\u011flamda, Ke\u015fmir sorunu Hindistan i\u00e7in ulusal birli\u011fin tesisi, \u00f6te yandan Ke\u015fmirliler i\u00e7inse ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k talebi nedeniyle \u00fcst d\u00fczey \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir alan olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Hindistan, Ke\u015fmir\u2019de \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme taraf olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgede \u015fiddet e\u011filiminin artmas\u0131ndaki rol\u00fc nedeniyle, b\u00f6lgede ya\u015fanan etnik ve din\u00ee \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc ta\u015f\u0131yan \u00fclke g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcndedir. Ke\u015fmir konusu, 1947 y\u0131l\u0131ndan bu yana Hindistan\u2019da ulus-devlet yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n da akamete u\u011framas\u0131n\u0131n altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan y\u00f6netimi Ke\u015fmir\u2019deki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na me\u015fruiyet kazand\u0131rmak amac\u0131yla Ke\u015fmir sorununu siyas\u00ee, tarih\u00ee ve din\u00ee boyutlar\u0131yla \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Buna ayr\u0131ca, d\u00f6nemin ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Nehru\u2019nun atalar\u0131n\u0131n Ke\u015fmirli olmas\u0131 ve kendisinin Ke\u015fmir\u2019e ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedeniyle duygusal bir y\u00f6nde eklenmektedir (Nehru 2004, 10, 42). Nehru\u2019yu Ke\u015fmir konusunda farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ve bir anlamda iddial\u0131 olmaya zorlayan ise, t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyaya Hindu ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n bir arada ya\u015fayabilece\u011fini kan\u0131tlama \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu bir anlamda d\u00f6nemin Hindistan resm\u00ee ideolojisi olan \u201csek\u00fclarizmin\u201din de teyit edilmesi anlam\u0131na gelecektir (Chadha 1997, 447; Malik 1997, 173). Nehru\u2019nun bu ihtirasl\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, Ke\u015fmirliler ad\u0131na karar verme e\u011filimi sergilemesi, o d\u00f6nem \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme haz\u0131r bir b\u00f6lgenin bug\u00fcne kadar d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en sorunlu b\u00f6lgesi olmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u00e7e\u015fitli medya organlar\u0131yla sivil toplum ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kurulu\u015flar\u0131yla yukar\u0131da dile getirilen arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 kamuoyuna kabul ettirme \u00e7abas\u0131ndad\u0131r. Sorunun bug\u00fcne kadar devrinde, Hindistan ve Pakistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 sonras\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan jeo-politik ve stratejik ili\u015fkilerin de etkisi vard\u0131r. T\u00fcm bunlar, bug\u00fcne kadar uzanan sorunlar yuma\u011f\u0131 Ke\u015fmir sorununun oldu\u011fundan daha karma\u015f\u0131k bir hale gelmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ke\u015fmir sorununun Pakistan ve Hindistan gibi iki \u00f6nemli akt\u00f6rl\u00fc vechesi kadar, Ke\u015fmir\u2019in kendi i\u00e7indeki dinamiklerin de g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemeyecek bir \u00f6nem arz etmektedir. \u00d6yle ki, daha 1930\u2019lu y\u0131llarda ad\u0131na Ke\u015fmir denilen b\u00f6lgenin y\u00f6netiminin belirlenmesi konusundaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ayr\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 ve ard\u0131ndan 1947 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hindu k\u00f6kenli y\u00f6netici Maharaja Hari Singh\u2019in siyas\u00ee karar mekanizmas\u0131nda tek yetki sahibi olmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, ya bu y\u00f6netimden kurtulmak i\u00e7in Pakistan\u2019la birle\u015fme veya tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olma y\u00f6n\u00fcnde, yine Ke\u015fmir M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halk\u0131 aras\u0131nda bir ayr\u0131m ya\u015fand\u0131. Burada dikkat \u00e7eken husus, Ke\u015fmir toplumunda ya\u015fanan siyas\u00ee gelecek konusundaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bunun sivil sava\u015fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesinin Pakistan ve Hindistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 elde etmeden \u00f6nce ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Nihayetinde, Hindu k\u00f6kenli y\u00f6neticinin Hindistan\u2019la birle\u015fme konusundaki karar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, 29 Ekim 1947 tarihinde Hindistan\u2019\u0131n Sihlerden olu\u015fan ordu birlikleriyle Ke\u015fmir\u2019in Srinagar \u015fehrine girmesi Ke\u015fmirlilerce \u201cKara G\u00fcn\u201d olarak kabul edilir (Chadha 1997, 447; Malik 1997, 166).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan, Ke\u015fmir \u00fczerinde siyas\u00ee egemenli\u011fi sivil ve demokratik yollardan sa\u011flamak yerine, b\u00f6lge halk\u0131n\u0131 asker\u00ee rejimle y\u00f6netme ve bu anlamda t\u00fcm hak ihlallerine konu olacak yapt\u0131r\u0131mlarla varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. Hindistan ordusunun neredeyse d\u00f6rtte birine varan b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc Ke\u015fmir b\u00f6lgesinde \u201cg\u00fcvenli\u011fi\u201d sa\u011flamakla g\u00f6revli olu\u015fu, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fclke ekonomisi i\u00e7in de \u00f6nemli bir a\u00e7\u0131k anlam\u0131na gelmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ke\u015fmir sorununa \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm konusunda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin atabilece\u011fi baz\u0131 somut ad\u0131mlar \u015funlard\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n