Malaya Kom\u00fcsint Partisi lideri Chin Peng 16 Eyl\u00fcl 2013 tarihinde Bangkok\u2019da 89 ya\u015f\u0131nda bir hastanede hayat\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti. D\u00f6nemin yay\u0131n organlar\u0131nda ad\u0131 \u2018d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en gizli devrimcilerinden\u2019 biri olarak ge\u00e7en Ching Peng\u2019in as\u0131l ad\u0131\u00a0 \u2018Ong Boon Hua\u2019 (The Straits Times 1989: 2). Bu ba\u011flamda, Peng\u2019in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ailesi ve yak\u0131nlar\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir \u2018veda\u2019 t\u00f6reniyle sonlanmad\u0131.<\/p>\n
\u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi d\u00f6neminde Perak Eyaleti\u2019ne ba\u011fl\u0131 Sitiawan\u2019da d\u00fcnyaya gelmesi nedeniyle ailesi ve yak\u0131n \u00e7evresinin talebine ra\u011fmen, Ba\u015fbakan Necip taraf\u0131ndan do\u011fdu\u011fu topraklara g\u00f6m\u00fclme talebi reddedildi. Bunun temel nedeni olarak da, Ching Peng\u2019in a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da de\u011finilecek \u2018anla\u015fmaya\u2019 ra\u011fmen, \u00fclkedeki \u2018icraatlar\u0131ndan\u2019 dolay\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman kabul edilmesinde yat\u0131yor. Bu ba\u011flamda Chin Peng\u2019in bu konuda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini \u00f6zl\u00fc bir \u015fekilde dile getiren yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ise \u015f\u00f6yle olmu\u015ftur \u201c… Evet do\u011fru, pi\u015fman de\u011filim. Adalet i\u00e7in sava\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m \u015feyden pi\u015fmanl\u0131k duymam\u201d (Peng 2007: 9).<\/p>\n
Bu vesile ile pek de\u011fil, hi\u00e7 bilinmeyen Malaya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi \u00fczerinde k\u0131saca durmakta fayda var. \u2018Malaya\u2019 derken elbette, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Malezya\u2019y\u0131 de\u011fil, i\u00e7inde Singapur\u2019un da oldu\u011fu co\u011frafyay\u0131 kastediyoruz. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle s\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6neminde British Malaya\u2019s\u0131 olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan toprak par\u00e7as\u0131… Modern Malezya\u2019da yak\u0131n tarihin \u00f6nemli hadiseleri i\u00e7erisinde yer alan bu ve benzeri hadiselerin bilinmemesi \u00fczerine kurulmu\u015f bir ideolojik \u015fekillenme oldu\u011funu rahatl\u0131kla s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc destekleyecek bir ba\u015fka \u00f6rne\u011fi, kom\u00fcnist gerilla hareketi liderinin tam z\u0131dd\u0131 kutupta bulunan Dato Onn bin Cafer\u2019in bug\u00fcn ne kadar bilinip bilinmedi\u011fini sorgulayarak g\u00fcndeme getirebiliriz. Hem de bunu, kendisiyle yak\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fte g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme f\u0131rsat\u0131 buldu\u011fumuz Dato Onn\u2019un y\u0131llarca sekreterli\u011fini yapm\u0131\u015f Mohammad Abid s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorsa ortada ger\u00e7ekten \u2018s\u0131k\u0131c\u0131\u2019 bir durum var demektir… Kald\u0131 ki, Malaya topraklar\u0131nda do\u011fan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi \u00fcyelerininin, bu olu\u015fum i\u00e7erisinde \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu olu\u015ftursalar da, sadece \u00c7inlilerden m\u00fcte\u015fekkil olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 (Soong 2011: 31; Leng 200 2011: 51), aksine i\u00e7inde Malay ve Hintlilerin de oldu\u011fu biliniyor. Yani bu olu\u015fumla, Malezya\u2019n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesinde ba\u015fg\u00f6steren ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131nda varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 devam eden bir legallikten illegalli\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f bir siyasi hareketten bahsediyoruz. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u00f6nde olu\u015fum i\u00e7erisinde Musa Ahmad, Rashid Maidin (olu\u015fumun Genel Sekreteridir), Abdullah Sudin, \u0130brahim Mohamed, Wahi Anuar ve Shamsiah gibi \u00fcst d\u00fczey g\u00f6revlerde bulunmu\u015f olanlar\u0131 da var (Chin 1995: 116; Abdullah 2009: 196; Mahathir 2011: 111). Tabii bu giri\u015fte Modern Malay milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin babas\u0131 ve Birle\u015fik Malay Ulusal Birli\u011fi\u2019nin kurucusu ve ilk ba\u015fkan\u0131 (UMNO) Dato Onn\u2019u Chin Peng ile birlikte zikretmek kimilerine garip gelebilir. Ancak unutmalay\u0131m ki, 1948 y\u0131l\u0131 A\u011fustos ay\u0131nda bu hareket Malaya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi olarak faaliyetlerine ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu giri\u015fimden en \u00e7ok rahats\u0131zl\u0131k duyanlardan biri Dato Onn olmu\u015ftur. Gerilla hareketinin hedefleri aras\u0131nda olan Malay k\u00f6ylerinin kendini savunabilmesinin yollar\u0131n\u0131 ararken, \u00f6te yanda \u00c7in k\u00f6kenli kitlelerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n, t\u0131pk\u0131 di\u011fer \u00e7o\u011funluk Malay ve az\u0131nl\u0131k Hintlilerin ki gibi korunmas\u0131n\u0131 dile getirebiliyordu. Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin faaliyetlerine ba\u015flamas\u0131ndan sadece birka\u00e7 ay ge\u00e7tikten sonra, 1948 y\u0131l\u0131 Aral\u0131k ay\u0131nda Cohor\u2019da i\u00e7erisinde \u00c7inli gruplar\u0131n da oldu\u011fu Malaya\u2019daki toplam 21 farkl\u0131 olu\u015fumu biraraya getirmeyi ba\u015faran Dato Onn\u2019dur (Anwar 2011: 137, 181).<\/p>\n
Hemen burada ifade edelim ki, Malaya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, faaliyetleri, hedefleri ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesi ve sonras\u0131 Malay toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ve bunun siyasal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n farkl\u0131 bir vecheden okunmas\u0131na olanak tan\u0131yacak boyutlardad\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda, s\u00f6z konusu bu topraklarda hakim ideoloji olarak beliren ve bir \u015fekilde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131na intikal eden \u0130ngiliz siyasi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ideolojisine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k kadar, kendi ba\u015f\u0131na bir varl\u0131k olma amac\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan \u0130slamc\u0131 unsurlar\u0131n geli\u015fmekte nas\u0131l zorland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da bir nebze olsun anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na kap\u0131 aralayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n
Malaya\u2019da o d\u00f6nem olup bitene bakmadan \u00f6nce bir arka pl\u00e2n izlenimi edinmekte fayda var. Arka pl\u00e2ndan kas\u0131t, kom\u00fcnist hareketin G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya topraklar\u0131nda yay\u0131lma alan\u0131d\u0131r. G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya topraklar\u0131 iki temel medeniyete ev sahipli\u011fi yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlatmakta fayda var: \u0130lki Budist\/Hindu gelene\u011fi di\u011feri ise \u0130slamiyet. Bu iki ana ak\u0131m medeniyet ve gelene\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 da \u00e7ok belirgin bir \u015fekilde \u00e7izilmi\u015ftir. Bu ba\u011flamda, Malaya Yar\u0131madas\u0131[1]<\/a> ve Tak\u0131madalar[2]<\/a> a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak \u0130slam medeniyetinin unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131rken, kara b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde yani, Hint-\u00c7ini\u2019nde \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 etnik yap\u0131lara ve inan\u00e7 unsurlar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, ba\u015fat medeniyet frekans\u0131n\u0131n Hinduizm\/Budizm eksenli geli\u015fme g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi dikkat \u00e7eker.<\/p>\n G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya\u2019n\u0131n denize bakan y\u00fcz\u00fc yani, Tak\u0131madalar ile karaya bakan y\u00fcz\u00fc Hint-\u00c7ini, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l Avrupa uluslar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi alt\u0131nda yeni siyasi ak\u0131mlarla y\u00fczle\u015fmek zorunda kald\u0131. Bu y\u00fczle\u015fmenin \u00e7e\u015fitli boyutlarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. \u00d6rne\u011fin, s\u00f6z konusu s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimlerinin a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 okullar veya Eski K\u0131ta Avrupa\u2019ya g\u00f6nderilen \u2018saray\u2019 \u00e7evresi ve se\u00e7kin ailelerin \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131n Avrupa g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ifadelerinden biridir Avrupa\u2019da ne\u015fet eden ideolojilere sempati beslemek veya bizzat aktivist olarak i\u00e7inde yer almak. Avrupa\u2019da ne\u015fet eden ideolojiler yay\u0131n bas\u0131n faaliyetleriyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, kimi siyasi hareketler, dernekler ve hatta partiler ba\u011flam\u0131nda da g\u00fcndeme geliyordu. Avrupa men\u015feili ideolojilerin G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya topraklar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131nda kayda de\u011fer bir di\u011fer unsur ise, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge idaresinde yer alan -say\u0131lar\u0131 az da olsa- Avrupal\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n anavatanlar\u0131ndan ihra\u00e7 ettikleri ve bireysel \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ile \u2018yerlilere\u2019 aktarmar\u0131yd\u0131. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin, sosyalizmin\/kom\u00fcnizmin etnik farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6stermeksizin b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerindeki toplumlar i\u00e7erisinde yer buldu\u011funa tan\u0131k olunur. Bu y\u00f6nelim, ayn\u0131 zamanda gene bizatihi s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin nedenlerinden biri olarak k\u00f6kl\u00fc dini\/geleneksel toplumsal k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n da bir sonucudur.<\/p>\n Malaya topraklar\u0131na geldi\u011fimiz de ise kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za ilgin\u00e7 bir toplumsal yap\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Ad\u0131na \u0130ngilizlerce Malaya denilen ve Malay Yar\u0131madas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 yani Cohor Bo\u011faz\u0131\u2019ndan Patani\u2019ye kadar olan b\u00f6lgeyi i\u00e7ine alan ve dokuz Malay Sultanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile kadim Patani Sultanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n topraklar\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131ran bir b\u00f6lgedir.[3]<\/a> Malaylar\u0131n M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131kla ili\u015fkilerinin erken d\u00f6nemlerde ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde bu topraklar, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u0130slam topra\u011f\u0131 olarak an\u0131lmay\u0131 da hak etmektedir. Bununla birlikte, \u0130ngilizler, o d\u00f6nemde Bengal K\u00f6rfezi ve Malaka Bo\u011faz\u0131\u2019nda d\u00fcmen k\u0131ran \u00f6nde gelen kaptan ve t\u00fcccarlardan Francis Light marifetiyle 1786\u2019dan yani, Penang Adas\u0131\u2019n\u0131[4]<\/a> d\u00f6nemin Kedah Sultanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019ndan \u2018c\u00fcz\u2019i bir miktara kiralamalar\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak (Brown 1963: 5, 7) b\u00f6lgenin ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu insan i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lamak amac\u0131yla \u00c7in ve Hindistan\u2019dan g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc\/ zorunlu g\u00f6\u00e7lerin g\u00fcndeme gelmesi b\u00f6lgenin demografik yap\u0131s\u0131 \u00fczerinde kayda de\u011fer bir de\u011fi\u015fime neden olmu\u015ftur. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, \u00c7in k\u00f6kenlilerin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kta oldu\u011fu bir siyasi hareket olmas\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Malaya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi-g\u00f6\u00e7-k\u00f6ks\u00fczl\u00fck ili\u015fkisinin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak do\u011fdu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrebiliriz.<\/p>\n B\u00f6lgedeki bu siyasi hareket as\u0131l ad\u0131 Ong Boon Hua ve daha \u00e7ok takma ad\u0131yla tan\u0131nan \u2018Chin Peng\u2019 liderli\u011finde kurulan gerilla hareketi, \u00f6nce Japon i\u015fgali d\u00f6neminde Japon g\u00fc\u00e7lerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cJapon Ordusu Kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 Malay Halk\u0131\u201d (MPAJA)[5]<\/a> ad\u0131yla \u0130ngilizlerle birlikte ittifak kurarak m\u00fccadele vermi\u015f, akabinde bu gerilla hareketi y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda Malaya\u2019da yeniden hakimiyet kurmak isteyen \u0130ngilizlere kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7evirmi\u015ftir. Peng bu konuya de\u011finirken, \u201cSava\u015f\u0131n akabinde \u0130ngilizlerin kaybedilmi\u015f topraklar\u0131 ve onurlar\u0131n\u0131 geri almak ad\u0131na Malaya topraklar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u2018i\u015fgal edeceklerini\u2019 ve bu hedefe ula\u015fmak ad\u0131na da o d\u00f6nem MPAJA ad\u0131yla faaliyet g\u00f6steren \u2018kom\u00fcnist\u2019 g\u00fc\u00e7lerle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmaktan ba\u015fka alternatifi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getirir (Peng 2007: 11).<\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te \u0130ngilizlerin kayda de\u011fer bir yap\u0131sal deste\u011fi oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr (Kheng 2009: 133). Tam da burada bir kez daha Burmal\u0131 Aung San\u2019\u0131 hat\u0131rlamamak ne m\u00fcmk\u00fcn!<\/p>\n Chin Peng hareketinin,\u00a0 1948-1960 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda az\u0131msanmayacak uzun bir s\u00fcreyi kapsad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde \u00fclkenin bug\u00fcne kadar ula\u015fan \u00e7e\u015fitli politikalar\u0131na tesir etmedi\u011fi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclemez. Bu tarihler aras\u0131ndaki gerilla hareketiyle m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in ne \u0130ngilizler ne de akabinde Malaya Federasyonu y\u00f6netimince \u2018sava\u015f\u2019 kelimesi kullan\u0131l\u0131r. Aksine, her iki y\u00f6netimce, 19 Haziran 1948\u2019de ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen bu siyasi hareket ve eylem \u2018Emergency<\/em>\u2019[6]<\/a> olarak adland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r (Leng 2011: 51).<\/p>\n Bunun gerek\u00e7esi de, t\u0131pk\u0131 bug\u00fcnlerde kimi resmi \u00e7evrelerin s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc kabul edilebilecek gazetelerde yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, hedef bu topraklarda yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmamakt\u0131r! Tam da bu noktada, Montesqieu\u2019nun me\u015fhur eseri Kanunlar\u0131n Ruhu\u2019<\/em>nda \u0130ngiltere\u2019yi tarif ederken kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ifadeyi hat\u0131rlatmakta fayda var. O da, di\u011fer uluslar\u0131n aksine \u0130ngilizlerin ticareti ve siyaseti birbirinden ay\u0131rmalar\u0131d\u0131r.[7]<\/a> Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Malaya topraklar\u0131nda ne\u015fet eden bir siyasi hareketin ve de bunun silahl\u0131 boyutunu sava\u015f eksenine kayd\u0131rmamak i\u00e7in azami \u00e7aba sarf edilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Kom\u00fcnist Hareket\u2019in ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n 1948 y\u0131l\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131n elbette bir anlam\u0131 var. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu y\u0131l, Birle\u015fik Ulusal Malay Organizasyonu (UMNO) ile \u0130ngilizler aras\u0131ndaki anla\u015fmaya ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak \u2018Malaya Federasyonu\u2019 ad\u0131yla yeni bir y\u00f6netimin hayata ge\u00e7irildi\u011fine tan\u0131kl\u0131k eder. D\u00f6nemin gazetelerine \u015f\u00f6yle bir g\u00f6z at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u2018Anla\u015fma\u2019da az\u0131nl\u0131klara vatanda\u015fl\u0131k hakk\u0131 konusunda kayda ge\u00e7irilen maddelerin gerilla hareketinin ba\u015flamas\u0131ndaki rol\u00fc g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemez (The Straits Times, 1947: 6). Gerilla hareketinin hedefinde \u0130ngilizler olsa da, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci g\u00fc\u00e7le, en az\u0131ndan yukar\u0131da ifade edildi\u011fi \u00fczere az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131 \u2018d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131\u2019 politikalar \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00e7\u0131karlar u\u011fruna ayn\u0131 safta yer alan Malay saray \u00e7evreleri de bu hedefin i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr (Kheng 2009: 133).<\/p>\n Burada gene ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak Dato Onn\u2019un o d\u00f6nem geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi, ancak kabul g\u00f6rmeyen b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0131rklar\u0131n birli\u011fini \u00f6ng\u00f6ren politik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na at\u0131fta bulunmak gerekir. Malay milliyet\u00e7isi olmas\u0131 kadar, bu topraklar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunlara pragmatik ve pratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler bulma ve bunlar\u0131 hayata ge\u00e7irme noktas\u0131nda da epeyce bir entellekt\u00fcel mesai harcayan Dato Onn \u00f6yle anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor ki, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin \u2018\u015fartland\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n\u2019 \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ebilmi\u015f bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce adam\u0131yd\u0131. Ortaya koydu\u011fu siyasi m\u00fccadele, sadece o d\u00f6neme kadar b\u00f6l\u00fck p\u00f6r\u00e7\u00fck Malay toplumunu biraraya getirmekle kalmam\u0131\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin do\u011furdu\u011fu nedenlerle bu topraklarda varl\u0131k s\u00fcren az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131 da i\u00e7ine alacak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir yakla\u015f\u0131m ortaya koymu\u015ftur (Abd. Samad 2011: 287). Zaten bu y\u00fczden birka\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra (1951) UMNO\u2019dan ayr\u0131lmak zorunda kalan Dato Onn gibi bir siyasi zek\u00e2n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi fikirleri hazmedemeyen \u00e7evrelerin bug\u00fcn \u00fclkede h\u00e2l\u00e2 kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kal\u0131nan sorunlarla m\u00fccadele etmek zorunda olmalar\u0131 manidard\u0131r.<\/p>\n D\u00f6nemin en \u00f6nemli gazetesi ve Malaya\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015fkenti konumundaki Singapur\u2019da yay\u0131nlanan The Straits Times\u2019a 1 May\u0131s 1952 tarihinde ba\u015f\u0131na 250.000 Dolar \u00f6d\u00fcl konuldu\u011fu haberiyle kapak olan Chin Peng uzun y\u0131llar g\u00fcvenlik g\u00fc\u00e7lerinden ka\u00e7may\u0131 ba\u015fard\u0131. Partinin, 2 Aral\u0131k 1989 tarihinde, Tayland H\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019nin arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Malezya H\u00fck\u00fcmeti ile Kom\u00fcnist Partisi aras\u0131nda Tayland\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcneyindeki Hat Yai kentinde imzalanan anla\u015fmaya kadar fiili varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f bir gerilla hareketi oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlamak gerekir (The Straits Times 1989: 2). Bu anlamda, t\u0131pk\u0131 Burma\u2019da Aung San\u2019\u0131n metodunun bir benzerinin Malaya\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Ching Peng\u2019in sava\u015f sonras\u0131ndaki gayesi gerilla hareketinin d\u00f6nemin siyasi lideri ve Malezya\u2019n\u0131n kurucusu babas\u0131 ve ilk Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Tunku Abdul Rahman taraf\u0131ndan daha ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesinde\u00a0 tan\u0131nmamas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu konu Tunku\u2019nun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, Singapur y\u00f6netiminden sorumlu \u0130ngiliz David Marshall\u2019\u0131n da kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 1955 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n son g\u00fcnlerinde yap\u0131lan Baling M\u00fczakareleri\u2019nde g\u00fcndeme geliyordu (Peng 2007 368; The Straits Times 1959: 2).<\/p>\n Chin Peng\u2019i Malaya\u2019da \u00f6nemli k\u0131lan unsur, ba\u015f\u0131nda bulundu\u011fu gerilla hareketinin hedefidir. Nedir bu hedef? Bu hedef, Malaya topraklar\u0131nda \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fini sona erdirip, bir \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Devleti in\u015fa etmektir. Peng, Malaya\u2019da verilen sava\u015fta sorumlulu\u011fu \u2018Beyazlar\u0131n a\u00e7 g\u00f6zl\u00fc hesaplar\u0131ndan\u2019 kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade eder (Peng 2003: 369). D\u00f6nemin Malay lideri Tunku Abdul Rahman\u2019\u0131n Malaya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019ne y\u00f6nelik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 kayda de\u011ferdir. Ona g\u00f6re \u00c7in\u2019in kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc \u015fartlar\u0131nda kom\u00fcnizm ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar vermi\u015f olabilir, ancak Malaya\u2019da ko\u015fullar tamam\u0131yla farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Malaylar\u0131nsa, giri\u015filecek bir \u2018s\u0131cak m\u00fccadeleden\u2019 ziyade vatanseverlik (patriotism<\/em>) ve m\u00fccadale ile ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130ngilizlerden alabilece\u011fine inan\u0131yordu (The Straits Times, 1955; Arifin&Isa 2009: 41). Tabii, Tunku\u2019nun \u2018Malaya ko\u015fullar\u0131\u2019 derken neyi kastediyor \u00f6nemli. M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Malaylar\u0131n k\u0131r a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 yerle\u015fimi ve toplumsal ili\u015fkilerine kar\u015f\u0131n, g\u00f6\u00e7men \u00c7inlilerin kasaba ve \u015fehirlerde ya\u015fam s\u00fcrmeleri ve ekonomi faaliyetlerinin \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fine mi at\u0131f yap\u0131yor acaba? Aralar\u0131nda \u00e7ift\u00e7iler kadar, madenciler, in\u015fa sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar gibi \u015fehir ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu i\u015flerle me\u015fgul olan ve kayda de\u011fer sendikac\u0131l\u0131k faaliyetleri sergileyen \u00c7inlilerin, y\u00f6netimi elinde bulunduran \u0130ngilizlerden taleplerinin farkl\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn (Keyes 1995: 213; Mohamad 2011: 113). Ancak gene burada durup, \u00c7in az\u0131nl\u0131k elinde gelip b\u00fcy\u00fcyen bir Avrupa ideolojisinin Malaya gibi M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n \u2018hakimiyetindeki\u2019 bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131 \u00fczerinde nas\u0131l ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilece\u011fi meselesi \u00f6nemlidir.<\/p>\n Avrupa ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilmeye gidildi\u011finde, bu ideolojiyi besleyecek alt yap\u0131n\u0131n burjuva\/i\u015f\u00e7i ikilemi yerine, ataerkil feodal yap\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kar. Yani Sultanlar\/soylular ile bunlar\u0131n \u2018kulu\u2019 addedilen halk (rakyat<\/em>). Chin Peng, bu ideolojiyi prati\u011fe d\u00f6kmesine d\u00f6km\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ancak bu topraklar\u0131n asli sahipleri olan Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n kayda de\u011fer deste\u011fi olmadan bir ba\u015far\u0131 elde etmenin de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 okuyamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu destek sadece maddi anlamda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, manevi bir destek de bulmak hayli zordur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Malay ruh halinde y\u00f6netici yani, \u0130slam \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde Kral, \u0130slamla\u015fma ile birlikte Sultan vazge\u00e7ilmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan, sek\u00fcler bir y\u00f6neticinin karakteristiklerinin \u00e7ok \u00f6tesinde bir anlama sahiptir. Bu noktada Saray \u00e7evrelerinin ve elitinin i\u015fin ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren \u0130ngiliz y\u00f6netimiyle olan ili\u015fkilerinin derinlemesine anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekir. Ard\u0131ndan Saraya, yani Sultana ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 neredeyse bir var olu\u015f nedeni kabul eden Malay halk\u0131 aras\u0131nda, -en az\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu i\u00e7in- kom\u00fcnizm veya bir ba\u015fka ideolojiye yaslanmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Dr. Mahathir\u2019in (2011: 115) ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczere o d\u00f6nem Malaya\u2019da halk\u0131n kahir ekseriyeti kom\u00fcnizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Burada bir parantez a\u00e7\u0131p Chin Peng\u2019in ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti\u011fi bu parti ve gerilla hareketinde yer alan Malaylar\u0131 nereye koyaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z konusunda bir \u015feyler s\u00f6ylenmeli. Bu noktada, \u00f6zellikle 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ilk on y\u0131llar\u0131nda, gerek Penang-Singapur\u2019daki yay\u0131n faaliyetlerinde ve de gene ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde Hollanda S\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi alt\u0131ndaki -bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Endonezya- topraklardaki \u00e7e\u015fitli yay\u0131n organlar\u0131 ve \u00f6nc\u00fc entellekt\u00fcel fig\u00fcrler etraf\u0131nda ne\u015fet eden, i\u00e7inde \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n da \u00e7e\u015fitli renkleriyle renk buldu\u011fu g\u00f6zlemlenen \u2018Malay milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi\u2019 eksenli olu\u015fumlar\u0131 dikkate almakta yarar var. Asl\u0131nda bununla \u015funu s\u00f6ylemek istiyorum. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Bat\u0131 e\u011fitimli Malay se\u00e7kinlerinin tutunduklar\u0131 ideolojilerin ad\u0131 ne olursa olsun, \u2018ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u2019 ad\u0131na ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fini s\u00f6yleyebilirim. \u00d6yle ki, bu ideolojiler daha \u2018So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019 y\u0131llar\u0131 ya\u015fanmadan bu topraklarda kendini ortaya koymaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Biraz daha a\u00e7arsak, bu ideolojiler aras\u0131nda d\u00f6nemin Ortado\u011fu \u00e7evrelerinde e\u011fitim g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f dini e\u011fitimli \u00f6nc\u00fclerin \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ak\u0131mlar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimlerince \u2018s\u0131k\u0131 takibe\u2019 al\u0131n\u0131rken, gerek bu ak\u0131m i\u00e7erisinde yer alanlar gerekse d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yer alanlar\u0131n bulu\u015fabildikleri ideolojiler kimi zaman milliyet\u00e7ilik kimi zaman kom\u00fcnizm \u015feklinde tezah\u00fcr etti\u011fi kanaatindeyim. Bu konuda, \u015fimdilik bu kadarla yetinip, ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri bir ba\u015fka \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya havale etti\u011fimi s\u00f6ylemeliyim.<\/p>\n \u0130\u015fte bu nokta, yani Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kitlelerine ula\u015famama, Chin Peng ve hareketinin -belki de- t\u0131kand\u0131\u011f\u0131 nokta olarak kabul edilebilir. Tabii \u0130ngiliz askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da yads\u0131madan… \u00d6yle ki, bu g\u00fc\u00e7 13 y\u0131l aktif olarak, ancak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Malaya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi ve Malezya H\u00fck\u00fcmeti aras\u0131nda Tayland y\u00f6netimi arabuluculu\u011funda imzaland\u0131\u011f\u0131 2 Aral\u0131k 1989\u2019a kadar devam ettiren harekete kar\u015f\u0131 sadece Hindistan\u2019dan, Do\u011fu Afrika\u2019dan ve Fiji\u2019den getirilen askerlerden ibaret de\u011fil, haddi zat\u0131nda b\u00f6lgedeki en \u00f6nemli Anglo-Sakson siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7 olan Avustralya gibi Yeni Zelanda\u2019dan da destek ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r (Peng 2007: 26, 396; Kheng 2009: 132).<\/p>\n T\u00fcm Avrupal\u0131 ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Chin Peng hareketini Avrupa ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmek hatal\u0131 olur. \u00c7in gibi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir siyasi k\u00fclt\u00fcr yap\u0131s\u0131ndan gelen Chin Peng ve di\u011ferleri, yaban ellerde g\u00f6\u00e7men olarak bulunmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131 geni\u015f \u00c7in toplumu ve onun ideolojilerini ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 bilmi\u015flerdir. Bu anlamda, Malaya topraklar\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadelenin kayda de\u011fer bir y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00c7in-Japonya aras\u0131nda tarihsel husumetin bir uzant\u0131s\u0131 oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmek yanl\u0131\u015f olmayacakt\u0131r. Bu husumetin son dalgas\u0131 1920\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda ba\u015fg\u00f6steren, 1930\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda s\u0131cak sava\u015fa evrilen ve daha \u00e7ok \u2018Man\u00e7urya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019 olarak bilinen m\u00fccadelenin Japonlar\u0131n galibiyetiyle bitti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Yani, her ne kadar II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019\u0131 \u00f6ncesinde sosyalist\/kom\u00fcnist hareketlerde bir k\u0131p\u0131rdanma olsa da, as\u0131l k\u0131z\u0131\u015fman\u0131n Japonlar\u0131n bu topraklara girmesiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Malaya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131nda rol alan etkenlerin ba\u015f\u0131nda 1930\u2019larda k\u00fcresel anlamda ya\u015fanan ekonomik dar bo\u011faz\u0131n bu topraklara, yani Malaya\u2019ya yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131n etkisi vard\u0131r muhakkak ki. \u00d6zellikle kalay madencili\u011fi, kau\u00e7uk gibi temel ihra\u00e7 maddelerinin d\u00fcnya piyasalar\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fer kayb\u0131, bu sekt\u00f6rlerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kitleler aras\u0131nda \u2018saflar\u0131n s\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na\u2019 neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n Bu ba\u011flamda Malaya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi 1930\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda kurulmakla birlikte bir siyasi ve silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, Japonlara kar\u015f\u0131 \u0130ngilizlerle \u2018ittifak\u2019a dayan\u0131r (Barr 2000: 18). \u0130ngilizler t\u0131pk\u0131 di\u011fer uluslara mensup sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar gibi gerilla hareketi i\u00e7inde yer alan \u00c7inlileri de Japonlara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6n cephede sava\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 bilmi\u015ftir. Chin Peng\u2019in kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cMy Side of History\u201d adl\u0131 eserde dile getirdi\u011fi \u00fczere bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, tam\u0131 tam\u0131na \u00c7in\u2019deki geli\u015fmelere, \u00f6zellikle de d\u00f6nemin \u00c7in-Japon \u00e7eki\u015fmesinde \u00c7in\u2019de g\u00fcndeme gelen ideolojik, yani Kuomintang<\/em> (milliyet\u00e7i) ve Kom\u00fcnist ayr\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na paralel ilerler (Peng 2007: 42). Asl\u0131nda bu silahl\u0131 \u2018birliktelik\u2019 bile, kom\u00fcnist hareketin, \u00c7in az\u0131nl\u0131k i\u00e7inde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir yeri olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Malaya topraklar\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bir tehdit unsuru olmas\u0131n\u0131n \u015fartlar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu hareketin -k\u0131rsalda kimi Malay k\u00f6ylerine sald\u0131r\u0131lar g\u00f6r\u00fclmekle birlikte- geni\u015f M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Malay kitleyi hedef almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 -ya da b\u00f6yle bir hedefi olsa bile maddi olarak en az\u0131ndan b\u00f6yle bir imk\u00e2na eri\u015fmedi\u011fi-, aksine hedeflerinin \u00f6ncelikle \u00c7in milliyet\u00e7ileri ile g\u00fcvenlik g\u00fc\u00e7leri oldu\u011fu dikkat \u00e7eker (Leng 2011: 58). Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n getirdi\u011fi farkl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar ili\u015fkilerinin sonucu olarak \u0130ngilizlerle kurulan ili\u015fkinin bir yan\u0131nda, ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 topraklar\u0131 \u2018vatan\u2019 bilmenin de oldu\u011fu g\u00f6zlemlenir (Mohamad 2011: 111). Az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n, \u00f6zellikle de \u00c7inlilerin Malaya topraklar\u0131n\u0131 \u2018vatan bilme\u2019 arg\u00fcman\u0131 ne d\u00fcn kabul edilebilmi\u015f, ne de bug\u00fcn hakk\u0131yla \u00e7o\u011funluk\/az\u0131nl\u0131k ikileminde yerli yerine oturtabilmi\u015ftir. Bunun y\u0131llar sonraki g\u00f6stergesi, Malay topraklar\u0131 \u00fczerinde Kom\u00fcnist Malay Devleti in\u015fas\u0131nda kan\u0131tlan\u0131r. Malaya\u2019da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ve bu topraklara yabanc\u0131 kom\u00fcnist hareketi belki bu noktadan de\u011ferlendirmek gerekir. Yani, bir yanda Chin Peng gibilerin gelip yerle\u015ftikleri topraklarda hayat s\u00fcrmenin kendilerinde do\u011furdu\u011fu \u2018sahiplenme\u2019 duygusu, \u00f6te yanda anavatanda s\u00fcrgit devam eden d\u0131\u015f sald\u0131r\u0131lar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ideolojik ayr\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n \u2018Bat\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fine\u2019 y\u00f6nelmesidir. Bu noktada, \u00c7in\u2019e at\u0131f yapan Chin, milliyet\u00e7ilerin Japonya kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Bat\u0131\u2019dan yard\u0131m alma taleplerine kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, kom\u00fcnizm taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n buna kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na dikkat \u00e7eker. Tabii bir de Malaya\u2019n\u0131n \u0130ngiliz sultas\u0131 alt\u0131nda bulunmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00c7inli az\u0131nl\u0131k \u00fczerinde nas\u0131l bir etki yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 da unutulmamal\u0131. T\u0131pk\u0131 Amerika\u2019da zencilere yap\u0131lan muamelenin Malaya topraklar\u0131nda \u2018Asyal\u0131lara\u2019 uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve sosyal etkile\u015fimi \u2018Beyazlarla\u2019 s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131ran kap\u0131lar\u0131nda \u201cAsyal\u0131lar Giremez\u201d (No Asians Allowed) yaz\u0131l\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile ekonomik alanda uygulanan \u2018kapitalistle\u015ftirme\u2019 \u00e7abalar\u0131d\u0131r (Peng 2007: 38, 48). Bu ayr\u0131\u015fman\u0131n Malay M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar \u00fczerinde, \u00f6zellikle Malay entellekt\u00fcellerinin yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131nda, \u00c7inli benzerleri ile etkile\u015fimlerinde neler olup bitti\u011fini maalesef bilemiyoruz. Zaten bu nedenledir ki, giri\u015fte \u2018bu ve benzeri konular\u0131n pek de g\u00fcndeme getirilmedi\u011fine\u2019 de\u011findim.<\/p>\n S\u00f6z konusu bu gerilla hareketi, d\u00f6nemin \u00c7in lideri Mao taraf\u0131ndan \u2018taltif\u2019 edilmekle kalmaz, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede bir d\u00f6nem a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a desteklenir de. \u00d6yle ki, 1950\u2019lerin sonunda, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131ktan sonra dahi, Malaya topraklar\u0131nda ya\u015fayan \u00c7inlilerin, \u2018ana vatan\u2019 \u00c7in\u2019den ilham almalar\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131 yap\u0131l\u0131r. \u00d6te yandan, Endonezya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019yle etkile\u015fimler geli\u015ftirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lsa da, o d\u00f6nem Endonezya ordusunun istihbarat biriminin ba\u015f\u0131ndaki Suharto\u2019nun 30 Eyl\u00fcl 1965 darbesiyle akamete u\u011frar (Chin 1995: 116). Bu hareketin sona ermesinde \u00f6nce \u0130ngilizlerin ard\u0131ndan modern Malezya h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, \u00c7in h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerindeki \u2018kom\u00fcnist parti\u2019 hareketlerine verdi\u011fi deste\u011fi \u00e7ekmesinin de pay\u0131 dikkatlerden ka\u00e7mamal\u0131d\u0131r (Kwang&Ibrahim vd. 2011: 258). 1930\u2019larda ba\u015fg\u00f6steren, \u00f6nce Japon istil\u00e2s\u0131na ard\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci \u0130ngilizlere y\u00f6nelen gerilla hareketinin Malaya topraklar\u0131nda ve nihayetinde modern Malezya\u2019da b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 izlere dair ara\u015ft\u0131rmalara ihtiya\u00e7 var.<\/p>\n NOT: <\/strong><\/a>Not: Bu metnin orijinal yay\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7in Bkz.:\u00a0<\/a>Tur\u00e1n<\/em>, \u0130lim-Fiki ve Medeniyet Dergisi, Say\u0131 21, 2013, s. 57-65.<\/p>\n Kaynaklar<\/strong><\/p>\n Abd. Samad, Paridah. (2011). The Myth of Dato\u2019 Onn Jaafar: The Forgotten Hero<\/em>, Kuala Lumpur: Partisan Publication.<\/p>\n Abdullah C.D. (2009). Memoir Abdullah C.D.: Bahagian III, Perjuangan di Sempadan dan Penamatan Terhormat<\/em>, Selangor: Strategic Information and Research Development Centre.<\/p>\n Anwar, Zainah. (2011). Legacy of Honour<\/em>, Yayasan Mohamed Noah, Kuala Lumpur: Noah Foundation.<\/p>\n Arifin, Zainul&Isa, Mohammad. (2009). (ed.). Tunku in His Own Words<\/em>, From the Pages of the NSTP Publications, Kuala Lumpur: NSTP Resource Center.<\/p>\n Barr, Michael D. (2000). Lee Kuan Yew: The Beliefs Behind the Man<\/em>, Kuala Lumpur: Curzon Press.<\/p>\n Brown, M.Stubbs. (1963). A History of Penang: 1805-1819<\/em>, Master Tezi, April.<\/p>\n Chin, Aloysius. (1995). The Communist Party of Malaya: The Inside Story<\/em>, Kuala Lumpur: Vinpress.<\/p>\n Keyes, Charles. (1995). The Golden Peninsula: Culture and Adaptation in Mainland Southeast Asia<\/em>, School of Hawaiian, Asian&Pacific Studies, Honolulu: University of Hawai\u2019i Press.<\/p>\n Kheng, Cheah Boon. (2009). The Communist Insurgency in Malaysia, 1948-90: Contesting The Nation-State and Social Change\u201d, New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies<\/em>, 11, 1 (June, 2009): 132-52.<\/p>\n Kwang, Han Fook; Ibrahim, Zuraidah; Hoong, Chua Mui; Lim, Lydia; Low, Ignatus; Lin, Rachel; Chan, Robin. (2011). (ed.) Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths To Keep Singapore Going<\/em>, Singapore: Straits Times Press.<\/p>\n Leng, Yuen Yuet. (2011). Nation Before Self: And Values that Do Not Die<\/em>, 2nd Print, Kuala Lumpur: MPH Publication.<\/p>\n Mohamad, Mahathir. (2011). A Doctor in The House: The Memoirs of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad<\/em>, Selangor: MPH Publishing.<\/p>\n Peng, Chin. (2007). My Side of History<\/em>, 4th Reprint, Singapore: Media Masters.<\/p>\n Soong, Kua Kia. (2011). Patriots&Pretenders: The Malayan Peoples\u2019 Independence Struggle<\/em>, Selangor: Suaram.<\/p>\n New Straits Times; http:\/\/www.nst.com.my\/channels\/learning-curve\/perspective-lessons-from-the-malayan-emergency-1.351271<\/a><\/p>\n The Rights of the Netherlands Vindicated Against The Encroachments of Great-Britain Concerning the Treaty Concluded Between The Two Kingdoms<\/em>, on the 17th<\/sup> of March 1824, (Felemenk\u00e7e\u2019den \u00e7eviri), Amsterdam: A Zweesaardt, 1836.<\/p>\n The Straits Times, 13 January 1947, Communist Party Rejects Federation, Microfilm NL 5058<\/a>, Singapur: Lee Kong Chian Referans K\u00fct\u00fcphanesi.<\/p>\n The Straits Times, 20 Mart 1869, \u201cThe Malay Peninsula\u201d, Microfilm NL 1968<\/a>, Singapur: Lee Kong Chian Referans K\u00fct\u00fcphanesi.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n [1]<\/a>Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Malezya ve Singapur\u2019un i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 toprak par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n [2]<\/a>Tak\u0131madalar\u2019dan kas\u0131t g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki Endonezya topraklar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n [4]<\/a>\u0130ngilizler bu aday\u0131 ad\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak \u0130ngilizle\u015ftirmenin bir arac\u0131 olarak \u2018Prince of Wales Island ad\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n [5]<\/a>MPAJA: Malayan People\u2019s Anti-Japanese Army.<\/p>\n<\/h1>\n
The Straits Times, 13 November 1989, \u201cChin Peng To Sign Accord\u201d, Microfilm NL 16862<\/a>, Singapur: Lee Kong Chian Referans K\u00fct\u00fcphanesi.<\/h1>\n
<\/h1>\n
The Straits Times, 27 October 1959, \u201cNo Peace Talks With Chin Peng: Tengku\u201d, Microfilm NL 4023<\/a>,\u00a0Singapur: Lee Kong Chian Referans K\u00fct\u00fcphanesi.<\/h1>\n
[3]<\/a>Bu topraklar ba\u015fkenti Singapur olan Straits Government<\/em> ad\u0131yla y\u00f6netiliyordu. Bkz.: T<\/em>he Straits Times<\/em>, 20 Mart 1869, \u201cThe Malay Peninsula\u201d, Microfilm NL1968<\/a>, Singapur: Lee Kong Chian Referans K\u00fct\u00fcphanesi, s. 1.<\/h1>\n