{"id":509,"date":"2015-08-31T03:07:15","date_gmt":"2015-08-31T03:07:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/?p=509"},"modified":"2016-10-03T03:08:19","modified_gmt":"2016-10-03T03:08:19","slug":"malezya-bir-yanda-bagimsizlik-gunu-diger-yanda-protestolar-malaysia-while-celebrates-independence-day-demonstrations-go-on","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/malezya-bir-yanda-bagimsizlik-gunu-diger-yanda-protestolar-malaysia-while-celebrates-independence-day-demonstrations-go-on\/","title":{"rendered":"Malezya: Bir yanda Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k G\u00fcn\u00fc, Di\u011fer Yanda Protestolar \/ Malaysia: While Celebrates Independence Day, Demonstrations Go On"},"content":{"rendered":"

Modern d\u00f6nemde Malay toplumlar\u0131n\u0131 temsil makam\u0131ndaki \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir yeri oldu\u011funa ku\u015fku olmayan Malezya Monar\u015fisi, 58 ya\u015f\u0131nda. Bununla birlikte, son d\u00f6nemde skandal \u00fcst\u00fcne skandalla sars\u0131lan Malezya\u2019da, son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan siyasi ve buna eklemlenen ekonomik -veya hangisinin di\u011ferinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pek de belli olmayan- kriz(ler), 30 A\u011fustos\u2019daki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k g\u00fcn\u00fc kutlamalar\u0131n\u0131n buruk ge\u00e7mesine neden oldu. Geli\u015fmelerin ekonomik boyutuna bak\u0131lacak olursa, Malezya ulusal ekonomisiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmayan b\u00f6lgesel geli\u015fmeler dikkat \u00e7ekiyor. \u00c7in\u2019de ba\u015flayan ve neredeyse t\u00fcm Do\u011fu ve G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya borsalar\u0131n\u0131 etkileyen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f, en \u00e7ok Kuala Lumpur Borsas\u0131\u2019nda tesirini g\u00f6steriyor. Zaten bir y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir s\u00fcredir Dolar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli de\u011fer yitiren Ringgit de %24\u2019l\u00fck kay\u0131pla son on yedi y\u0131l\u0131n en d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck seviyesinde. \u00d6zellikle Merkez Bankas\u0131 ba\u015fkan\u0131 Zeti Akhtar\u2019\u0131n 1997-98 G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya mali krizi sonras\u0131nda kayda de\u011fer yap\u0131c\u0131 rol\u00fcne g\u00fcvenenler, \u015fu ana kadar umduklar\u0131n\u0131 bulabilmi\u015f de\u011filler. Bu d\u0131\u015f etkenli geli\u015fme kadar, neredeyse bir y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcredir \u00fclke siyasetinde ba\u015fat konu olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren \u20181 Malezya Kalk\u0131nma Fonu\u2019yla (1MDB) ilgili geli\u015fmeler de i\u015fin cabas\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu ba\u011flamda, Zeti Akhtar\u2019\u0131n da i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 belirtilen fonla ilgili icraatlar, sadece ekonomi alan\u0131yla kalmay\u0131p, h\u00fck\u00fcmete olan g\u00fcven kayb\u0131na neden oluyor. Bu geli\u015fmelerin tam da oda\u011f\u0131nda yer alan Zeti Akhtar\u2019\u0131n hem Ringgit\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fc hem de 1MDB fonunun \u015feffaf y\u00f6netime kavu\u015fturulmas\u0131 noktas\u0131nda bir ekonomik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm paketi ortaya koyup koymayaca\u011f\u0131 da \u015fimdilik pek \u00fcmitvar g\u00f6z\u00fckm\u00fcyor. Oysa Malezya 1970\u2019lerden ba\u015flayarak ekonomik modernle\u015fmenin \u00f6nc\u00fc \u00fclkelerinden biri olarak, hem ad\u0131na \u0130slam \u00fclkeleri denilen co\u011frafyaya hem de \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00fclkelerine \u00f6rnek g\u00f6steriliyordu. Ku\u015fkusuz ki, bu \u00f6rnekli\u011fin ele al\u0131nabilecek taraflar\u0131 olabilece\u011fi de yads\u0131namaz. Ancak Malezya \u00f6rne\u011finde nas\u0131l bir kalk\u0131nma s\u00fcrecine konu oldu\u011fu da, bug\u00fcn 58. y\u0131l\u0131na girmi\u015f olan Malezya Federasyonu\u2019nun \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi ba\u011flam\u0131ndan da yoksun tutulam\u0131yor. Bu noktada, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa giden s\u00fcrece ve akabindeki geli\u015fmelere k\u0131saca g\u00f6z atmakta fayda var. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, bug\u00fcn giderek a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hissettiren siyasal ve de ekonomik sorunlar\u0131n da anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 noktas\u0131nda \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

30 A\u011fustos 1957 tarihinde d\u00f6nemin Malay lideri Tunku Abdul Rahman\u2019\u0131n \u2018Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u2019\u0131 il\u00e2n\u0131 Yar\u0131mada\u2019da b\u00fcy\u00fck bir memnuniyet vesile olmu\u015ftu. Bu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6zelliklerinden biri, \u0130ngiltere Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile yap\u0131lan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerin ard\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u2018masa ba\u015f\u0131nda\u2019 kazan\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u2018tek kur\u015fun\u2019 at\u0131lmadan kazan\u0131lsa da, s\u00fcrecin sanc\u0131s\u0131z oldu\u011funu, herhangi bir s\u00f6m\u00fcrge kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin g\u00fcndeme gelmedi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. Bug\u00fcn \u00fclkenin Monar\u015fik Parlamenter sistemle idare edilmesinin elbette ki, tarihsel k\u00f6kenleri var. Daha \u0130ngilizlerin 1786 y\u0131l\u0131nda Penang Adas\u0131\u2019na \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131ndan \u00f6nce, Yar\u0131mada\u2019da eyaletler \u015feklinde varl\u0131k s\u00fcren sultanl\u0131k rejimleri, \u0130ngilizlerin geli\u015fiyle varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kendilerine bah\u015fedilen bir egemenlik alan\u0131 olarak \u201cdin ve gelenek\u201d s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda \u201ckontroll\u00fc\u2019 bir \u015fekilde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netiminin o g\u00fcnlerde, belki konjonkt\u00fcrel olarak geli\u015fig\u00fczel verdi\u011fi bu karar, aradan ge\u00e7en s\u00fcrede siyasi bir yap\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n zeminini olu\u015fturdu. Ve Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131nda da bu yap\u0131 devam etti.<\/p>\n

Bununla birlikte, modern Malezya\u2019da iki devlet kuruldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlatal\u0131m. Bunlardan ilki yukar\u0131da dile getirlien 1957 s\u00fcreciyken ikincisi 1963\u2019d\u00fcr. Bir anlamda, 1957 y\u0131l\u0131 Malaya Federasyonu bitmemi\u015f bir proje intab\u0131 uyand\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 bir ba\u015fka siyasi eklemlenmeye zemin haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ku\u015fkusuz ki, bir yandan d\u00f6nemin So\u011fuk Sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131 oldu\u011fu, \u00f6te yandan \u00f6zellikle de, 1949\u2019dan itibaren G\u00fcneydo\u011fu ve Do\u011fu Asya\u2019da yeni bir g\u00fc\u00e7 merkezi olarak Japonya\u2019n\u0131n yerine \u00c7in\u2019in \u00e7\u0131kmakta olu\u015fu, Bat\u0131l\u0131 eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci g\u00fc\u00e7lerin g\u00f6z\u00fcnden ka\u00e7mad\u0131. Kendi haline terk edilemeyecek kadar d\u00fcnya hammadde ticaretinde ve deniz ticaret yollar\u0131nda ba\u015fat rol oynayan b\u00f6lgeler, ba\u015fta Singapur olmak \u00fczere Borneo Adas\u0131 gibi co\u011frafyalar d\u00fcn olduklar\u0131 gibi 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ikinci \u00e7eyre\u011finde de \u2018korunmaya\u2019 muhta\u00e7t\u0131. Ve birer \u2018\u00fcs\u2019 olarak varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 Bat\u0131 ile olduk\u00e7a yak\u0131n temasta s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeleri gerekiyordu.<\/p>\n

Bu minvalde, k\u00fcresel siyasi yap\u0131n\u0131n karar s\u00fcreci, tarihsel olarak birbirinden kopar\u0131lmas\u0131 pek de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan, G\u00fcney \u00c7in Denizi\u2019nin Bat\u0131 ve Do\u011fu yakalar\u0131 nihayetinde 16 Eyl\u00fcl 1963 tarihinde Malezya Federasyonu ad\u0131yla yeni bir devlet haline geldi. \u00c7inli n\u00fcfusun a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kta oldu\u011fu Singapur Adas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 ve Malay \u0131rk\u0131 alt gruplar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan \u00e7e\u015fitli yerli kabilelerin ya\u015fam s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Borneo Adas\u0131\u2019ndaki Sabah ve Saravak b\u00f6lgelerinin birle\u015fimiyle \u2018Malezya ulusu\u2019 do\u011fmu\u015f oldu.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcn\u00fcn \u201c\u0130ngiliz Malaya\u2019s\u0131\u201d b\u00f6ylece \u2018Malezya Federasyonu\u2019 ad\u0131yla, dokuzu geleneksel y\u00f6netim b\u00f6lgeleri olan sultanl\u0131k, d\u00f6rd\u00fc \u00f6zel valilerle y\u00f6netilen b\u00f6lgeler olmak \u00fczere on \u00fc\u00e7 eyaletten m\u00fcte\u015fekkil bir siyasi yap\u0131ya b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fc. Bu yeni devletin siyasi yap\u0131s\u0131, Monar\u015fik parlamenter sistem olarak belirlenirken, d\u00fcnyada kendi \u00f6zg\u00fc bir monar\u015fik yap\u0131ya da ev sahipli\u011fi yapmaya devam ediyor. Federal Sultan olarak adland\u0131r\u0131labilecek \u00fcs siyasi kurum, geleneksel dokuz sultan aras\u0131ndan her be\u015f y\u0131lda bir rutin bir atamayla g\u00f6rev bir sultana teslim edilirken, di\u011fer d\u00f6rt \u2018valinin\u2019 bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te kayda de\u011fer bir rol\u00fcnden bahsetmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil.<\/p>\n

Siyasete ve ekonomiye kar\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 anayasal olarak s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan Sultanlar t\u0131pk\u0131 \u2018d\u00fcn\u2019 oldu\u011fu gibi \u2018din\u2019 ve \u2018gelene\u011fin\u2019 koruyucusu s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Herhangi bir siyasi angajman\u0131 olmamakla birlikte, Malay toplum yap\u0131s\u0131nda \u2018sultan\u2019\u0131n yeri var olu\u015fsal bir \u00f6neme sahip. Bu anlamda, Malay halk\u0131, \u2018sultanla\u2019, sultan da \u2018halkla\u2019 neredeyse kopmaz bir ba\u011fla ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Tabii burada dokuz sultan oldu\u011fu vurgusunu bir kez daha g\u00fcndeme getirmekle, asl\u0131nda Yar\u0131mada\u2019da modern anlamda \u2018Malay Birli\u011fi\u2019nin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131 bir \u00fcr\u00fcn oldu\u011fu da ifade edilebilir.<\/p>\n

Bu a\u011f\u0131r \u2018Malay\u2019 tonuna ra\u011fmen, gerek klasik Sultanl\u0131klar\u0131n egemen oldu\u011fu eyaletlerde, gerekse Sabah ve Saravak\u2019da yerli halklar aras\u0131nda \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 etnik\/dini yap\u0131lar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bir realite. Bu \u00e7o\u011ful yap\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n, d\u00fcnden tevar\u00fcs eden bir toplum yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131 mahiyetinde oldu\u011fu ve \u00fclke y\u00f6netim tabakalar\u0131nda belirleyici rol alamayacaklar\u0131 toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme kadar, anayasada da kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulur. Bu nedenledir ki, 1963 y\u0131l\u0131nda Malezya Federasyonu\u2019na kat\u0131lan Singapur, bu sisteme sadece iki y\u0131l \u2018tahamm\u00fcl\u2019 edebildi ve akabinde 1965\u2019de ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 il\u00e2n ederek Federasyon\u2019dan ayr\u0131ld\u0131. Singapur\u2019un bu sistemden kopu\u015funda, siyasal temsiliyet ve y\u00f6netim payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 gibi hususlarda ortak bir kanaatin has\u0131l olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu sosyo-siyasal olu\u015fumun bir ba\u015fka ifadesi, Malezya Federasyonu\u2019nun yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n siyasi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Birle\u015fik Ulusal Malay Organizasyonu (UMNO) ad\u0131yla 1946 y\u0131l\u0131nda kurulan Malay etnik temelli siyasetine dayal\u0131 \u2018partinin\u2019 ba\u015fat rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir h\u00fck\u00fcmetler zinciri \u00fclkeyi idare etmesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. B\u00fc s\u00fcre\u00e7te, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Malay\u00a0 halk\u0131n\u0131n yukar\u0131da k\u0131smen de\u011findi\u011fim antropolojik ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ile modern d\u00f6nemin \u00e7ok de\u011fi\u015fkenli toplumsal ve siyasal taleplerinin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 d\u00f6nem d\u00f6nem kendini ortaya koyar. Sadece Malay M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n de\u011fil, Yar\u0131mada\u2019daki \u00c7in ve Hint k\u00f6kenliler ile Borneo Adas\u0131\u2019ndaki \u00e7e\u015fitli etnik az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n tesis etti\u011fi \u2018siyasi partiler\u2019 ve di\u011fer \u2018sivil olu\u015fumlar\u2019, bu gizli\/a\u00e7\u0131k toplumsal b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc temsil makam\u0131ndad\u0131rlar. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, s\u00f6z konusu bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Singapur\u2019un ayr\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 olu\u015ftururken, bir di\u011ferini 13 May\u0131s 1969\u2019da ba\u015flayan anar\u015fi olaylar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte bu nokta, ulusal birli\u011fin UMNO \u00e7at\u0131\u015f\u0131 alt\u0131nda, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir siyasi koalisyon ile devam ettirilme niyetiyle, de\u011fi\u015fen \u015fartlar\u0131n do\u011furdu\u011fu komplike sosyo-siyasal taleplerin siyasi alanda ne t\u00fcrden yans\u0131ma bulaca\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131nda zaman zaman \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma boyutuna varan bir nitelik sergiler. Enteresan bir nokta olarak 1950\u2019lilere yakla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, d\u00f6nemin Malay lideri Dato Onn bin Cafer\u2019in bu siyasi sorunu \u00f6ng\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f ve kurucusu oldu\u011fu UMNO\u2019yu \u00e7ok etnikli bir siyasi partiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015f olsa da, s\u00fcre\u00e7 Dato Onn\u2019un partiden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131na yerine, UMNO \u2018kurucu idealini\u2019 devam ettirece\u011fine kanaat getirilen Tunku Abdul Rahman\u2019\u0131n atanmas\u0131yla devam etti.<\/p>\n

Yar\u0131m as\u0131r, bir milletin ya\u015fam\u0131nda pek de uzun bir s\u00fcre say\u0131lmaz. Malezya Federasyonu, 1970\u2019lerden itibaren ekonomik modernle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerindeki \u2018ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131na\u2019 ra\u011fmen, \u00e7ok dinli-etnikli toplumsal kompozisyonunda ortak de\u011ferler ve hedefleri olu\u015fturup olu\u015fturamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n hesab\u0131n\u0131 kolayl\u0131kla yapabilir. Bu noktada ortada kayda de\u011fer bir sorun olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ise, d\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k kutlamalar\u0131ndan bir g\u00fcn \u00f6nce on binlerce Malezyal\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fkent Kuala Lumpur\u2019da \u2018reform\u2019 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7eren g\u00f6sterisinden okumak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Enteresand\u0131r bu g\u00f6steriye, \u00fclkenin kurucu babalar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flamas\u0131na dahil edilen Dr. Mahathir Muhammed\u2019in kat\u0131lmas\u0131ysa, geni\u015f siyasi ve toplumsal kesimlerde nas\u0131l bir talep oldu\u011funa dair bir ipucu veriyor olsa gerek. Dr. Mahathir, her ne kadar UMNO\u2019dan vazge\u00e7mi\u015f de\u011filse de, uzun bir s\u00fcredir muhalefetin UMNO iktidar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 noktada ayn\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131ma ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f durumda. O da, siyasi ve ekonomi y\u00f6netiminin \u015feffafl\u0131ktan uzak olu\u015fu; hesap verilebilirlik, noktas\u0131nda b\u00fcrokrasiden h\u00fck\u00fcmet organlar\u0131na kadar kayg\u0131 verici bir vurdumduymazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u00fcr git devam edi\u015fidir.<\/p>\n

Yukar\u0131da dile getirilen ve ekonomik modernle\u015fmesiyle modellik stat\u00fcs\u00fc bah\u015fedilen bir \u00fclkenin bug\u00fcn, \u00f6nce i\u00e7 piyasalar, ard\u0131ndan da d\u0131\u015f piyasalar\u0131n \u00fclke ekonomisine y\u00f6nelik g\u00fcveni yitirmesinde ku\u015fkusuz ki, 1MDB\u2019de bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc sonu\u00e7land\u0131r\u0131lamayan yolsuzluk iddialar\u0131n\u0131n pay\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenmemeli. Hele hele bu fonun Ba\u015fbakan Necib bin Razak\u2019\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda oldu\u011fu bir kurulca, genel anlamda \u015feffafl\u0131ktan uzak y\u00f6netimi, buna il\u00e2ve olarak para ak\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndaki gizlilik ve bu mebla\u011f\u0131n en az\u0131ndan bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n banka hesaplar\u0131na aktar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddialar\u0131 haberi son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan ekonomik skandallar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda geliyor. S\u00f6z konusu fon \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde bunca g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fc pat\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131nda, Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n ayn\u0131 zamanda Maliye Bakan\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131n da bir rol\u00fc olsa gerek…<\/p>\n

Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n hesab\u0131na aktar\u0131lan mebla\u011f konusunda a\u00e7\u0131lan soru\u015fturmalar ve kamuoyu bask\u0131s\u0131 \u201cPara halk\u0131n paras\u0131 de\u011fil, Arap \u00fclkelerinin \u2018yard\u0131m\u0131\u2019\u201d veya \u201cHalk\u0131m i\u00e7in kendi hesab\u0131ma aktard\u0131m\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fc s\u00f6ylemlerin ne\u015fet etmesine neden oldu. Ancak \u015feffafl\u0131\u011f\u0131n temel de\u011ferlerden biri kabul edildi\u011fi demokratik y\u00f6netimlerde b\u00f6ylesi deme\u00e7lerin bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 bulunmuyor. \u2018Arap yard\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n\u2019 \u0130\u015e\u0130D\u2019le m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in Malezya\u2019ya aktar\u0131lmas\u0131 kadar, 2013 se\u00e7imlerinde \u2018uygun \u015fekilde kullan\u0131l\u0131p kullan\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddialar\u0131, Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n hesab\u0131ndaki mebla\u011f\u0131n bir s\u00fcre sonra Singapur\u2019da bir ba\u015fka hesaba devri ile \u0130svi\u00e7re ve Singapur bankalar\u0131n\u0131n para transferindeki rol\u00fcne dair ilgili \u00fclkelerce yap\u0131lan soru\u015fturmalar birbirini izliyor. Bu iddialar\u0131n tam da ortas\u0131nda \u0130\u00e7 \u0130\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 ve Ba\u015fbakan yard\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na atanan Ahmed Zahid Hamidi\u2019nin, bu paran\u0131n bir Arap ailenin UMNO\u2019nun 2013 se\u00e7imlerini kazanmas\u0131 ve s\u00fcnni inanc\u0131n savunucusu olmas\u0131 nedeniyle verildi\u011fine tan\u0131k oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemesiyse, sadece h\u00fck\u00fcmeti de\u011fil, devlet egemenli\u011fiyle ilgili ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na problemli bir durum ortaya koyuyor.<\/h1>\n

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Kald\u0131 ki, bu fonla ilgili Ba\u015fbakan ve Merkez Bankas\u0131 ba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n da i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu yetkililer hakk\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen soru\u015fturmalar\u0131n kilit isimlerinin \u201ci\u015flerine son verilmesi de\u201d siyasi istikrars\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa ancak \u201ck\u00f6r\u00fck olma\u201d i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc ve g\u00f6rmeye devam ediyor. \u00d6yle ki, tam bir ay \u00f6nce Ba\u015fbakan Necib bin Razak, \u201c1 Malezya Kalk\u0131nma Fonu\u2019yla ilgili ger\u00e7eklerin a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcksek sesle dile getiren yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 ve Milli E\u011fitim Bakan\u0131 Muhyiddin Yasin\u2019i g\u00f6revden ald\u0131. B\u00f6ylece 1998 y\u0131l\u0131nda Enver \u0130brahim\u2019den sonra g\u00f6revden al\u0131nan ikinci Ba\u015fbakan yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 olarak tarihe ge\u00e7ti.<\/h1>\n

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Sadece h\u00fck\u00fcmet i\u00e7inde de\u011fil, s\u00f6z konusu fonu ara\u015ft\u0131rmakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc kurumlardaki \u00fcst d\u00fczey b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131n da yerlerinden olmas\u0131 ekonomi y\u00f6netiminden \u00f6te anlamlar ifade ediyor. Bu s\u00fcrecin gelip dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 nokta ise, muhalefet kadar iktidar ve UMNO \u00e7evrelerinden ki\u015fi ve gruplar\u0131n da, parlamentoda Ba\u015fbakan\u2019a g\u00fcven oyu oturumunun yap\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda birle\u015fiyor olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Nisan\/May\u0131s aylar\u0131nda yap\u0131lmas\u0131 pl\u00e2nlanan UMNO genel kurulunun Sonbahar\u2019a ertelenmesi, UMNO i\u00e7erisinde ho\u015fnutsuzlar\u0131n ikna seanslar\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 olarak yorumlan\u0131yor. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7eken ise kurt politikac\u0131 Dr. Mahathir Muhammed. Devlette i\u015flerin nas\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fc\/t\u00fcl\/d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc herkesden daha iyi bilen Dr. Mahathir, s\u00fcrekli yeni iddialarla ve sorularla Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 k\u00f6\u015feye s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmaya ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla g\u00fcndemi belirlemeye devam ederken, Ba\u015fbakan\u2019la aras\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131lan \u2018makas\u2019, onu giderek daha \u00e7ok muhalefet \u00e7evreleriyle ortak hareket etmeye sevkediyor. Zaten Cumartesi g\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00f6sterilere i\u015ftiraki de bunun en somut g\u00f6stergesiydi.<\/h1>\n

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Ekonomi ve siyasi \u00e7evrelerde bunlar olup biterken, acaba \u00fclkenin \u2018sultanlar\u0131\u2019 ne kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k veriyor bu geli\u015fmelere diye soras\u0131 geliyor insan\u0131n. Bunu sorarken, bu \u2018liderlerin\u2019 bug\u00fcn \u00fcstlendikleri rol\u00fcn, daha ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k s\u00fcrecinde kendilerine bi\u00e7ilen rolden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 da ortada. Bu noktada da, gene Cohor Sultan\u0131\u2019ndan ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n sesi g\u00fcr \u00e7\u0131km\u0131yor. Daha ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn, Sultan \u0130brahim, \u201cyasalara g\u00f6re bu gibi konularda s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131m\u0131 biliyorum, ancak halk\u0131m\u0131n (gene burada vurgunun \u2018Cohor halk\u0131\u2019 oldu\u011fu hat\u0131rlanmal\u0131) s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131na da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulmak vazifem\u201d minvalinde bir a\u00e7\u0131klamayla Putrajaya\u2019daki geli\u015fmelerden hi\u00e7 de memnun olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bir kez daha dile getirdi. Sultanlar demi\u015fken… Anayasaya g\u00f6re, Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6revine son verecek giri\u015fim, ancak \u201culusal sultan\u201d\u0131n elinde. Ancak bug\u00fcne kadar Sultan Abd\u00fclhalim \u015eah\u2019dan bir deme\u00e7 sad\u0131r olmu\u015f de\u011fil.<\/h1>\n

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Model \u00fclke Malezya\u2019da son iki se\u00e7imdir muhalefetin \u00f6nemli bir siyasi \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yapmas\u0131 ve bunun halk nezdinde kabul bulmas\u0131, h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00fczerinde bir bask\u0131 unsuru oldu ve olmaya devam ediyor. Bu geli\u015fme, \u00fclkede \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 ortam\u0131 k\u00f6r\u00fcklerken, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin tepkisi muhalefeti temsil eden sivil kesimleri etkileyecek \u015fekilde geri d\u00f6nd\u00fc. H\u00fck\u00fcmet\/UMNO \u00e7evrelerinin bu y\u00f6ndeki siyasi stratejilerini herhalde en nazik ifadeyle \u2018siyasi k\u0131skan\u00e7l\u0131k\u2019 veya \u2018siyasi b\u00f6b\u00fcrlenme\u2019 olarak yorumlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnse de, geni\u015f toplum kesimleri nezdinde kaybedilen g\u00fcvenin UMNO\u2019nun siyasi varolu\u015f sorununa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6ylemek bile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc UMNO\u2019nun salt s\u0131radan bir siyasi hareket de\u011fil, aksine \u2018Malay \u0131rk\u0131n\u0131n-sultan\u0131n ve Malay dilinin\u2019 hamisi olmak gibi y\u00fcce bir ideal etraf\u0131nda \u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fclenmesi ger\u00e7e\u011fini her an ak\u0131lda tutmak gerekir.<\/h1>\n

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Son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan bu siyasal geli\u015fmenin kayna\u011f\u0131 ise gene UMNO i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015fanan dinamiklerin de\u011fi\u015fmesinden kaynaklan\u0131yor. 1990\u2019lar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda, Enver \u0130brahim\u2019in Ba\u015fbakan yard\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, partiden de ihrac\u0131 ve hapsedilmesine konu olan k\u0131r\u0131lmalar, akabinde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir \u2018reform hareketinin\u2019 do\u011fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. De\u011fi\u015fen siyasi iklim nedeniyle, \u2018temiz y\u00f6netim-temiz toplum\u2019 slogan\u0131, \u00f6zellikle 2000\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan bu yana siyasal ve toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131ndaki yer almaya devam ediyor.<\/h1>\n

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58 y\u0131l gibi g\u00f6rece k\u0131sa modern siyasi tarihinde \u00f6nemli bir kalk\u0131nma hamlesi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015f bir \u00fclke olan Malezya, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te ba\u015fat g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc omurgas\u0131n\u0131 Birle\u015fik Malay Ulusal Birli\u011fi\u2019nin (UMNO) olu\u015fturdu\u011fu bir siyasi yap\u0131n\u0131n hakimiyetine konu olmas\u0131yla dikkat \u00e7ekiyor. Bununla birlikte, yukar\u0131da \u00f6zetle ifade edildi\u011fi \u00fczere kalk\u0131nma olgusunun, geni\u015f toplum kesimlerinin siyasi ve ekonomik haklar\u0131na ne denli katk\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya\u015fanan t\u00fcm bu geli\u015fmelerden anla\u015f\u0131labiliyor. Michael Liefer\u2019\u0131n 1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda Malezya Federasyonu\u2019nun kurulmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cAnglo American Differences Over Malaysia<\/em>\u201c ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalede dile getirdi\u011fi \u00fczere, b\u00f6lgede istikrar\u0131n ba\u015fat akt\u00f6rlerinden biri olmas\u0131 arzu edilen Malezya epeyce bir s\u00fcredir istikrars\u0131zl\u0131kla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze.<\/h1>\n

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http:\/\/www.dunyabulteni.net\/haber-analiz\/339434\/malezya-bir-yanda-bagimsizlik-gunu-diger-yanda-protestolar<\/a><\/h1>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Modern d\u00f6nemde Malay toplumlar\u0131n\u0131 temsil makam\u0131ndaki \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir yeri oldu\u011funa ku\u015fku olmayan Malezya Monar\u015fisi, 58 ya\u015f\u0131nda. Bununla birlikte, son d\u00f6nemde skandal \u00fcst\u00fcne skandalla sars\u0131lan Malezya\u2019da, son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan siyasi ve buna eklemlenen ekonomik -veya hangisinin di\u011ferinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pek de belli olmayan- kriz(ler), 30 A\u011fustos\u2019daki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k g\u00fcn\u00fc kutlamalar\u0131n\u0131n buruk ge\u00e7mesine neden oldu. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":510,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,27],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-509","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gunluk-yazilar","category-malezya"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/509","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=509"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/509\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":511,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/509\/revisions\/511"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/510"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=509"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=509"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=509"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}