{"id":2438,"date":"2018-06-20T04:38:54","date_gmt":"2018-06-20T04:38:54","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/?p=2438"},"modified":"2018-06-20T04:38:54","modified_gmt":"2018-06-20T04:38:54","slug":"malezyada-hukumet-degisikligi-ve-demokratiklesme-change-of-government-and-democratization-in-malaysia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/malezyada-hukumet-degisikligi-ve-demokratiklesme-change-of-government-and-democratization-in-malaysia\/","title":{"rendered":"Malezya\u2019da h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi ve demokratikle\u015fme \/ Change of Government and Democratization in Malaysia"},"content":{"rendered":"

Mehmet \u00d6zay \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a020.06.2018<\/strong><\/p>\n

Malezya\u2019da 9 May\u0131s se\u00e7imlerinin ard\u0131ndan 62 y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fmesi hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, ba\u015fta \u00fclke baz\u0131nda olmak \u00fczere, b\u00f6lgesel ve k\u00fcresel ba\u011flamlarda \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 gereken \u00f6nemli bir geli\u015fme. \u00d6ncelikle Malezya \u00f6zelinde s\u00f6ylemek gerekirse, \u00fclke siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131nda sadece bir h\u00fck\u00fcmetin gidip yerine bir ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n gelmesiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmayan, aksine kapsaml\u0131 bir sistem de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fine yol a\u00e7abilecek bir geli\u015fmeden bahsedilebilece\u011fini vurgulamak istiyorum. Bu yaz\u0131da, k\u0131smen de olsa bu husus \u00fczerinde durmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/p>\n

Malezya halk\u0131n\u0131n 9 May\u0131s\u2019ta sand\u0131kta verdi\u011fi karar, ad\u0131na Ulusal \u0130ttifak (Barisan Nasional<\/em>) denilen ve omurgas\u0131n\u0131 Birle\u015fik Ulusal Malay Organizasyonu (UMNO) partisinin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu ve di\u011fer \u00e7e\u015fitli etnik partilerle desteklenen koalisyonun 62 y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar\u0131n\u0131n sonunu getirmesiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil. Halk\u0131n verdi\u011fi karar, bundan da \u00f6te, 62 y\u0131l \u00f6ncesinde yani, \u0130ngiltere Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netiminin do\u011frudan ve fiili olarak i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k s\u00fcrecinde, o d\u00f6nemki ad\u0131yla s\u00f6ylemek gerekirse Malaya topraklar\u0131nda olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 istenen bir siyasi ve de toplumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n da sars\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

O d\u00f6nemde, \u0130ngiliz y\u00f6netimi ile d\u00f6nemin \u00e7e\u015fitli etnik yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n liderleri aras\u0131nda var\u0131lan toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme ve \u00fclkenin hangi etnik yap\u0131\/lar taraf\u0131ndan ne \u015fekilde y\u00f6netilece\u011fi konusu, 1957 y\u0131l\u0131nda gelen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131ktan itibaren ge\u00e7en 62 y\u0131l boyunca uygulama bulmu\u015f bir duruma i\u015faret etmektedir. Bu toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmenin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 peki\u015ftiren durum ise, \u00fclke anayasas\u0131na yans\u0131yan kararlarda kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu noktada, Malezya\u2019da birbirinden etnik\/dini\/ekonomik ba\u011flamlar\u0131yla olduk\u00e7a farkl\u0131 toplumsal kesimlerinin, bug\u00fcne kadar tan\u0131k olunmad\u0131k \u015fekilde biraraya getiren muhalefet koalisyonunun ya da \u00fclkede bilinen ad\u0131yla umut koalisyonu (pakatan harapan<\/em>) h\u00fck\u00fcmet olma s\u00fcreci ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu anlamda, Malezya siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131nda bir ilkin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131na ku\u015fku yok. Bu ba\u011flamda, Malezya\u2019da ya\u015fanan h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fimi, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge sonras\u0131 (post-kolonyal<\/em>) s\u00fcre\u00e7 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ele al\u0131nmay\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu durumda, \u00fclkede ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fimin, baz\u0131 akademi \u00e7evrelerinde post-kolonyal d\u00f6nemin bitti\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki ele\u015ftirileri yanl\u0131\u015flayan bir y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn de oldu\u011funa burada dikkat \u00e7ekmekte fayda var.<\/p>\n

Ancak bug\u00fcn Malezya\u2019da g\u00fcndeme gelen h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finin, temelde bir \u2018iktidar\u2019 de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelip gelmedi\u011fi meselesi de en az bu de\u011fi\u015fim kadar \u00f6nemlidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc h\u00fck\u00fcmetin belirlenmesi ile h\u00fck\u00fcmeti olu\u015fturan yap\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131n\u0131 \u015fekillendiren unsurlar farkl\u0131l\u0131k arz etmektedir. Bu ba\u011flamda, \u00fclkede ya\u015fanan siyasi de\u011fi\u015fimin, ad\u0131na se\u00e7im denilen bir y\u00f6ntemle, bir siyasi organ\u0131n y\u00f6netimle ili\u015fkisini belirleme s\u00fcrecinin \u2018demokratikle\u015fme\u2019 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusu, bu \u00fclkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirilmedir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6yle ki, yukar\u0131da dikkat \u00e7ekildi\u011fi \u00fczere, 62 y\u0131ld\u0131r \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6netmi\u015f olan siyasi iradenin de, be\u015f y\u0131lda bir yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerle olu\u015fturulan h\u00fck\u00fcmetler vas\u0131tas\u0131yla ortaya kondu\u011fu hat\u0131rland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu durumun zaten bir \u2018demokratik\u2019 yap\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na delalet etti\u011fi iddia edilebilir.<\/p>\n

Ancak \u00fclkede farkl\u0131 etnik ve toplumsal kesimlerin uzunca bir s\u00fcredir ele\u015ftirel yakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve 62 y\u0131ll\u0131k ge\u00e7mi\u015fe damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran ulusal ittifak koalisyonlar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu h\u00fck\u00fcmetler, bu h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin siyasal ve toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131 \u015fekillendiren yasalar\u0131 belirlemesi ve bunlar\u0131n somut politikalar \u015feklinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k buldu\u011fu uygulamalar\u0131n \u2018demokratik\u2019 olmayan s\u00fcre\u00e7lerle ili\u015fkisidir ki, \u00fclkede bir siyasi de\u011fi\u015fimi g\u00fcndeme getirmi\u015ftir. Bu de\u011fi\u015fimin ad\u0131na, yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerden m\u00fctevellit \u2018demokratikle\u015fme\u2019 diyebilmenin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinde durulmay\u0131 hak ediyor.<\/p>\n

Bununla birlikte, s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fi\u015fimi \u00f6rne\u011fin, muhalefetin do\u011fal lideri kabul edilen Enver \u0130brahim\u2019in 1999 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201c\u015feffaf ve adil y\u00f6netim-temiz toplum\u201d talepleri ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u2018reform\u2019 (reformasi<\/em>) hareketinden yola \u00e7\u0131karak bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak ele alman\u0131n ve bunun genel anlam\u0131yla demokratikle\u015fmenin bir ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 sayman\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu da g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Demokratikle\u015fme ba\u011flam\u0131nda dikkatlerin \u00fczerine \u00e7evrilmesi gereken bir ba\u015fka durum ise, 62 y\u0131ld\u0131r iktidar\u0131 elinde tutan UMNO merkezli ulusal ittifak\u0131n temel dayana\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve bu iktidar ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n dinamiklerinin, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00f6ncesi ili\u015fkiler \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde olu\u015fturulan ve anayasa da kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulmu\u015f toplumsal konsens\u00fcs ile bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fim \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde Malezya siyaseti ve toplumunun nas\u0131l bir de\u011fi\u015fim arzulad\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu ba\u011flamda yeni \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve konsens\u00fcs s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin nas\u0131l yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 ve bunun fiiliyata nas\u0131l ge\u00e7irece\u011fiyle ilgilidir.<\/p>\n

Kan\u0131mca burada kritik nokta, 9 May\u0131s se\u00e7imleri ard\u0131ndan geni\u015f etnik ve toplumsal kesimlerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu muhalefet ittifak\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde olu\u015fturulan ve siyasi ili\u015fkileri \u00e7er\u00e7eveleyen yap\u0131 \u00fczerindeki de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri ne kadar arzu etti\u011fi (deconstruction<\/em>), bunda ne denli s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir bir \u00e7aba sergileyece\u011fi ve nihayetinde yerine neyi ikame edece\u011fiyle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu durum bizi, ya\u015fanan h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi sonras\u0131nda Malezya\u2019da siyasi ve toplumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n, k\u0131sa ve orta vadede ne t\u00fcrden de\u011fi\u015fimlere yol a\u00e7abilece\u011fi ve bunun ad\u0131na \u2018demokratikle\u015fme\u2019 denilen s\u00fcre\u00e7leri ne denli g\u00f6zetip geni\u015f toplumsal kesimlerin talepleri \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselebilece\u011fi konusuna getirmektedir.<\/p>\n

Tabii bu noktada, Malezya toplumunu ve siyasetini anlama \u00e7abas\u0131nda unutulmamas\u0131 gereken husus, \u00e7o\u011fulcu etnik yap\u0131lar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu noktada, \u00fclkenin demografik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00e7o\u011funluk taraf\u0131ndan olu\u015fturulup olu\u015fturulmamas\u0131ndan, \u00f6zellikle geleneksel eyaletler olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131m ve her birinin ba\u015f\u0131nda bir sultan\u0131n bulundu\u011fu dokuz eyaletin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na; yerel y\u00f6neticilerin se\u00e7imle i\u015f ba\u015f\u0131na gelip gelmemesinden, \u00fcniversiteler ve kamu kurulu\u015flar\u0131 gibi toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n tam da oda\u011f\u0131nda yer alan yap\u0131larda bireylerin yer al\u0131p almayacaklar\u0131n\u0131n etnik\/dini kimlikleri temelli belirlenmelerine; diyelim ki, Orang Asli<\/em>ler gibi toplum kesimlerinin geni\u015f toplumsal entegrasyondaki yerleri ve bunun sosyo-ekonomik ve siyasal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile \u00f6rne\u011fin, Kelantan Eyalet y\u00f6netimi taraf\u0131ndan \u0130slami h\u00fck\u00fcmlerin uygulanmas\u0131 taleplerine kadar pek \u00e7ok konuyu g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131mak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.<\/p>\n

9 May\u0131s \u00f6ncesinde, \u201cAcaba UMNO merkezli ulusal ittifak h\u00fck\u00fcmeti ve de \u2018iktidar\u0131\u2019 de\u011fi\u015febilir mi?\u201d sorusu soruluyordu. Bug\u00fcn ise, se\u00e7im zaferinin sarho\u015flu\u011fu sonras\u0131nda, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki ba\u015fka sorular sorma zaman\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin, \u201cAcaba bu h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi, \u2018iktidar\u2019 de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi anlam\u0131na m\u0131 geliyor?\u201d veya \u201cYeni h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u2018iktidar\u2019 olabilmek i\u00e7in neler yapmal\u0131?\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fcnden sorular g\u00fcndeme getirilmeli.<\/p>\n

\u00c7ok dinli, \u00e7ok etnikli ve \u00e7ok k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00f6zelli\u011finin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, belki de bundan da \u00f6te etnik-siyaset temelinde in\u015fa edilmi\u015f ve siyasal-ekonomik payla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n etnik temeller \u00fczerinde prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irildi\u011fi Malezya toplumunda 9 May\u0131s\u2019la ba\u015flayan yeni d\u00f6nemle birlikte t\u00fcm bu yap\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131n yeniden ele al\u0131naca\u011f\u0131na tan\u0131k olaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131za ku\u015fku yok.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Mehmet \u00d6zay \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a020.06.2018 Malezya\u2019da 9 May\u0131s se\u00e7imlerinin ard\u0131ndan 62 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2439,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6,27],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2438","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-gunluk-yazilar","category-malezya"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2438","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2438"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2438\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2440,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2438\/revisions\/2440"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2439"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2438"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2438"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2438"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}