Endonezya Cumhuriyeti 71 ya\u015f\u0131nda. G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya topraklar\u0131nda Pasifik Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazanan \u00fclkede bug\u00fcne kadar ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre, kendi kendini y\u00f6netebilmeyi \u00f6\u011frenme denemeleriyle ge\u00e7ti. Uzun y\u00fczy\u0131llar b\u00f6lgede varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f olan s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci Hollanda\u2019n\u0131n, Japonlar\u0131n teslim olmas\u0131ndan \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra yeniden \u2018eski topraklar\u0131n\u0131\u2019 ele ge\u00e7irme arzusu bir direni\u015fle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, sava\u015f\u0131n Avrupa cephesinde \u00f6nemli y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011frayan Hollandal\u0131lar \u0130ngilizlerin deste\u011finde Cava Adas\u0131\u2019nda ve Sumatra\u2019da Batavya, Surabaya, Semarang, Medan gibi \u00f6nemli \u015fehirlere asker \u00e7\u0131kartarak, Tak\u0131madalar topluluklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirmeye kald\u0131klar\u0131 yerden devam ettirme arzusundayd\u0131lar. Bu noktada, bir zamanlar\u0131n \u2018Do\u011fu Hint Adalar\u0131\u2019 denilen topraklarda \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi kadar, uluslararas\u0131 \u00e7evrelerin bu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018tan\u0131mada\u2019, d\u00f6nemin ABD y\u00f6netiminin rol\u00fc de g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemez. ABD i\u00e7in Tak\u0131madalar\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrecindeki m\u00fcdahalenin gerek\u00e7esi ise, kendi k\u00fcresel siyasi ve ekonomi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak kom\u00fcnizm tehdidi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda d\u00f6nemin Amerikan ekseninin olu\u015fturulmas\u0131nda Tak\u0131madalar\u2019\u0131n vazge\u00e7il\/e\/mezli\u011finde yatar.<\/p>\n
Ordu ve toplumsal hareketler<\/strong><\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, d\u00fczenli ordunun imk\u00e2ns\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u2018d\u00fczensiz\u2019 silahl\u0131 birlikler verilen m\u00fccadelede rol oynad\u0131. Bu rol, s\u00f6z konusu bu d\u00fczensiz yap\u0131lardan bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn, 17 A\u011fustos 1945\u2019de birer siyaset\u00e7i olarak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k il\u00e2n\u0131 i\u00e7in hen\u00fcz haz\u0131r olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131lan Sukarno ve yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Hatta\u2019y\u0131 bizzat radyo binas\u0131na getirip \u2018iki c\u00fcmlelik\u2019 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k bildirgesini okutmalar\u0131yla \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir y\u00f6n i\u00e7erir. Bununla birlikte, il\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 arenada tan\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in 1949 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n beklenmesi gerekti.<\/p>\n D\u00fczensiz birliklerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir s\u00fcre sonra d\u00fczenli orduya evrilmesiyle devam ederken, ordu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesi s\u00fcre\u00e7ten devrald\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol\u00fc, \u00fclke siyasal g\u00fcndemini belirleyecek \u015fekilde bug\u00fcne kadar korudu. Bu ba\u011flamda, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesinin kendi ba\u015flar\u0131na hareket eden s\u00f6z konusu silahl\u0131 gruplar\u0131n rol\u00fc ile, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131nda do\u011fan \u2018ordu\u2019nun bug\u00fcne kadar ki siyaset \u00fczerindeki tesirinde bir t\u00fcr benzerlik oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, kahir ekseriyeti M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olan Adalar topluluklar\u0131nca verilen \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinde milliyet\u00e7ilikle \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mesi kadar, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge e\u011fitimi nedeniyle ve kimi toplumsal unsurlar\u0131n giri\u015fimleriyle kom\u00fcnist ideolojinin ye\u015ferdi\u011fi geni\u015f Endonezya toplumunda siyasi y\u00f6netim bug\u00fcne kadar bu siyasi ve toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7lerin m\u00fccadelesine de konu oldu.<\/p>\n Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine giden yol<\/strong><\/p>\n Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin b\u00f6lge \u00fczerindeki siyasi tasar\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, Tak\u0131madalar toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n modern anlamda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131 yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131na kadar geri gider. Birinci d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda g\u00fcnl\u00fck yay\u0131n organlar\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131yla ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi g\u00f6rece geni\u015f kitlelerce payla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin, \u2018Soeara Atjeh\u2019 adl\u0131 yay\u0131n organ\u0131nda \u2018\u0130slam ve Milliyet\u00e7ilik\u2019 ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda ele al\u0131nabilecek yaz\u0131lar\u0131n yer almas\u0131 co\u011frafi olarak Tak\u0131madalar\u2019\u0131n en bat\u0131s\u0131 ile ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde merkezi olu\u015fturan Java Adas\u0131\u2019ndaki yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n benzerlik ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyuyor. Hollanda s\u00f6m\u00fcrge okullar\u0131nda \u00f6\u011frenim g\u00f6ren ve s\u00fcre\u00e7te \u00fclkenin ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturacak ki\u015filerin Avrupa\u2019daki devrimlerden hareketle milliyet\u00e7ilik ve kom\u00fcnizm ak\u0131m\u0131ndan etkilenmeleri, b\u00f6lgenin asli unsurlar\u0131ndan \u0130slamc\u0131 perspektifle birlikte ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k yolunda siyasi ideolojiler olarak yer ald\u0131. Bu ideolojilerin kurumsal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ise, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n Masyumi partisi; milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin Endonezya Milliyet\u00e7i Partisi; kom\u00fcnizmin de Endonezya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi ile kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 buldu.<\/p>\n Model aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye fakt\u00f6r\u00fc<\/strong><\/p>\n B\u00f6lge M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015farl\u0131kl\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ticari tekel kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda varl\u0131k g\u00f6stermenin somut ad\u0131m\u0131 olarak \u2018Sarekat Islam\u2019\u0131 kurmalar\u0131 ve bu m\u00fccadelenin zamanla Masyumi ad\u0131yla bir siyasi partiye evrilmesi \u00f6nemli s\u00fcre\u00e7lerden sadece biridir. B\u00f6lge halk\u0131n\u0131n, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n ve hocalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesindeki rolleri ile bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki geli\u015fmelerin de \u015fu veya bu \u015fekilde bir tesiri bulunuyor. Bu ba\u011flamda, \u2018gen\u00e7\u2019 T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin lideri Kemal Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn bas\u0131n yay\u0131n organlar\u0131 kadar posterlerinin evlere kadar girmesi; Atat\u00fcrk ve Enver Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n \u2018Soeara Islam\u2019 gibi bas\u0131n organlar\u0131nda da g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi baz\u0131 yay\u0131nlara konu olmas\u0131; Ziya G\u00f6kalp, Halide Edip Ad\u0131var\u2019\u0131n yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n Sukarno gibi gelece\u011fin devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131nca okunmas\u0131 nas\u0131l bir devlet yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131na dair ipu\u00e7lar\u0131 verir.<\/p>\n \u00dclkenin nas\u0131l bir siyasi model \u00fczerine oturtulaca\u011f\u0131 meselesinde \u2018cumhuriyet\u2019 ile \u2018federalizm\u2019 aras\u0131ndaki fark, \u00fclkenin kurucu fig\u00fcrlerinin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131yla, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci g\u00fcc\u00fcn Tak\u0131madalar\u0131 siyasi bir yap\u0131 olarak kendine organik olarak ba\u011fl\u0131 k\u0131lma aras\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadeleye denk gelir. Karan\u0131n Cumhuriyet lehinde olu\u015fmas\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle Sukarno\u2019nun yukar\u0131da zikredilen isimlerin eserlerine ve ideolojilerine dair eserleriyle ilgili hapiste yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 okumalar\u0131n kayda de\u011fer bir yeri vard\u0131r. \u0130lk gen\u00e7lik y\u0131llar\u0131ndan itibaren milliyet\u00e7i bir damara sahip olan Sukarno\u2019nun bu ideolojik yap\u0131la\u015fma s\u00fcreci kadar, halk katmanlar\u0131nda da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve devam\u0131ndaki s\u00fcre\u00e7 sembolik kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn posterlerinin evlerin duvarlar\u0131nda as\u0131l\u0131 olmas\u0131yla bulur.<\/p>\n Panca Sila: \u0130deolojik Temel<\/strong><\/p>\n Yukar\u0131da zikredilen ve geni\u015f adalar toplulu\u011funu birle\u015ftiren Cumhuriyet\u2019in temel ilkeleri, yine Sukarno\u2019nun \u2018T\u00fcrkiye okumalar\u0131\u2019n\u0131 yans\u0131tacak \u015fekilde \u2018be\u015f ilke\u2019, yani Panca sila\u2019da kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulur. Hukuki, siyasi, ekonomik, sosyal kalk\u0131nma ve pl\u00fcralizme vurgu yapan bu ilkeler \u2018ten Tanr\u0131ya inan\u00e7\u2019, \u2018milliyet\u00e7ilik\u2019, \u2018adalet\u2019, \u2018temsili demokrasi\u2019 ve \u2018refah devleti\u2019ne i\u015faret eder. Ve bu ilkeler anayasan\u0131n de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi teklif edilemeyecek maddelerini olu\u015fturur. Bu anlamda panca sila, Sukarno\u2019nun, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci y\u00f6netim alt\u0131nda ge\u00e7en gen\u00e7lik y\u0131llar\u0131nda toplumun farkl\u0131 kesimlerinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulan tek Tanr\u0131c\u0131, milliyet\u00e7i ve sosyalist ak\u0131mlar\u0131n biraraya getiren bir ilkeler dizinidir.<\/p>\n Farkl\u0131 toplum kesimlerini biraraya getirmeyi hedefleyen, bu anlamda ulusal bir moral de\u011ferler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc kabul edilen panca sila, \u00fclkenin temel ideolojisi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve bug\u00fcne kadar varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumu\u015ftur. Bu ideolojik temellendirme, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesi s\u00fcre\u00e7te \u00e7e\u015fitli siyasi faaliyetleriyle dikkat \u00e7eken gruplar\u0131n, yeni devletin ideolojisi belirlemede i\u00e7ine girdikleri rekabet s\u00fcrecinin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede geni\u015f kitlelerin dini inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131kla bulu\u015fmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bir \u0130slam Devleti d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irilmez.<\/p>\n Ordudan Reforma<\/strong><\/p>\n Ancak aradan ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre\u00e7te, meclis varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u0130slamc\u0131 partinin yasaklanmas\u0131 ve meclis varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 ve darbe Sukarnolu y\u0131llar\u0131n \u00f6zetidir. Darbeyle yerine gelen \u00fcniformas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131p sivil k\u0131yafeti giyen general Suharto otuz iki y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidara damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurdu. 1998\u2019de ba\u015f g\u00f6steren halk ayaklanmas\u0131 ile siyasi ve sivil hayat\u0131n yeniden d\u00fczenlenmeye ba\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131na tan\u0131k olundu. Ad\u0131na \u2018reform\u2019 denilen bu s\u00fcrecin ilk be\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ge\u00e7ici ba\u015fkanl\u0131k yapan Prof. Dr. Habibie; \u00fclkenin dini\/sivil organizasyonlar\u0131ndan Nahdat\u2019ul ulama\u2019n\u0131n da y\u00f6neticili\u011fini yapm\u0131\u015f olan, liberal \u0130slamc\u0131 olarak da bilinen Abdurrahman Vahid ve Sukarno\u2019nun k\u0131z\u0131 Megavati\u2019nin ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na konu oldu. Ard\u0131ndan, yukar\u0131da zikredildi\u011fi \u00fczere askerin \u00fclke siyasetindeki ba\u015fat rol\u00fcne g\u00f6nderme yapacak \u015fekilde, ba\u015fkanl\u0131k iki d\u00f6nem yani on y\u0131l boyunca eski bir general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131. 1998\u2019den sonra ba\u015flayan ve aradan ge\u00e7en on be\u015f y\u0131la ra\u011fmen, reform s\u00fcrecinde ne kadar ilerleme sa\u011flanabildi\u011fi bir soru i\u015fareti. Bug\u00fcn iktidar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda mevcut k\u00f6kl\u00fc siyasi partiler i\u00e7erisinde kayda de\u011fer rol almamakla beraber yerel y\u00f6neticilik tecr\u00fcbesiyle halk\u0131n tevecc\u00fche mazhar olmu\u015f Joko Widodo bulunuyor. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kutland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bug\u00fcnlerde Jokowi \u00fclkenin temel ilkelerine yani panca sila\u2019ya at\u0131fta bulunurken reformlar\u0131 hayata ge\u00e7irmekle me\u015fgul olmay\u0131 da g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmiyor.<\/p>\n