{"id":109,"date":"2013-05-31T09:32:00","date_gmt":"2013-05-31T09:32:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost:8080\/ini\/?p=109"},"modified":"2013-05-31T09:32:00","modified_gmt":"2013-05-31T09:32:00","slug":"malezya-siyaseti-sil-bastan-politics-in","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/malezya-siyaseti-sil-bastan-politics-in\/","title":{"rendered":"Malezya Siyaseti Sil Ba\u015ftan \/ Politics in Malaysia Up and Down"},"content":{"rendered":"
Mehmet \u00d6zay                                                                                                                  27 May\u0131s 2013<\/b><\/div>\n

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There is no doubt that election on 5th May in Malaysia reminded Dato Onn bin Jafaar\u2019s political aspiration to almost everyone in the country particularly certain political elites. Though some ideas emerged once the election was completed, it seems there need to be more intellectual exercises on what sort of political intermingling in National Alliance (Barisan Nasional) in near future. As we have mentioned previously, the opposition aggressive reformist approach cannot be ignored in the decision of the new political paradigm in Malaysia.<\/b><\/div>\n
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Malezya\u2019da se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n il\u00e2n\u0131yla birlikte \u00fclke siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131nda yeni bir safhaya girilmi\u015f oldu. Bu anlamda, se\u00e7im \u00f6ncesi tahminlerin do\u011fruland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u0130statistiki verilerden hareketle se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinde baz\u0131 hususlara de\u011finmeden \u00f6nce, bu yeni safhan\u0131n hangi ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131 kapsad\u0131\u011f\u0131na bakal\u0131m: Ulusal Cephe iktidar\u0131n\u0131n Malay-\u00c7inli-Hintli ortaklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yar\u0131\u011f\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131; h\u00fck\u00fcmeti olu\u015fturan Bakan kompozisyonunda siyasi parti da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131nda h\u00fck\u00fcmetin \u00fclke se\u00e7menini temsil makam\u0131ndan uzak olu\u015fu; bir yanda iktidar\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck kurucu fig\u00fcr\u00fc UMNO, \u00f6te yanda muhalefetin \u00c7in a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 partisi DAP (Demokratik Eylem Partisi)\u2019\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu \u2018etnik ayr\u0131\u015fmaya\u2019 dayal\u0131 iki kutuplu bir siyasi yap\u0131n\u0131n belirginlik kazanmas\u0131; t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n sonucunda iktidar ayg\u0131t\u0131 ve ilintili unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n \u2018Tek Parti\u2019 \u00e7at\u0131\u015f\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplanmas\u0131 \u00f6nerisinin g\u00fcndeme getirilmesi…<\/div>\n
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Modern Malezya siyasal tarihinin en \u00e7eki\u015fmeli se\u00e7iminin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 5 May\u0131s g\u00fcn\u00fc, Malezya halk\u0131 %80\u2019lik oranla bug\u00fcne kadarki en y\u00fcksek kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 sergileyerek \u00fclke gelece\u011finde s\u00f6z sahibi oldu\u011funu ortaya koydu. Muhalefetin se\u00e7ime \u2018hile\u2019 kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 konusunda daha se\u00e7im \u00f6ncesinde dillendirdi\u011fi kayg\u0131s\u0131, se\u00e7imin sona erdi\u011fi ilk saatlerden itibaren alternatif medyada g\u00fc\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde yeniden yer ald\u0131. \u00dclke siyasi akt\u00f6rleri aras\u0131nda bir i\u00e7 hesapla\u015fma \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak de\u011ferlendirilebilecek bu hususu \u2018yabanc\u0131lar\u2019 olarak pek de anlamland\u0131ramayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131zdan(!) ve \u00fclkenin i\u00e7 i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fmak gibi bir amac\u0131m\u0131z da olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan bu hususu bir kenara b\u0131rakal\u0131m ve se\u00e7im sonunda ne gibi bir siyasi foto\u011fraf\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131na bakal\u0131m.<\/div>\n
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Se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re muhalefet blo\u011fu %51.6, iktidar olu\u015fumu ise %48.4 oy ald\u0131. Bu istatistiki veride bir terslik yok mu diye sorulabilir. Yok asl\u0131nda!… Nedeni de a\u00e7\u0131k… Se\u00e7im b\u00f6lgeleri ve n\u00fcfus da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin b\u00f6ylesi bir sonu\u00e7 do\u011furdu\u011fuyla al\u00e2kal\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca, ilgili \u00e7evreler bu durumu, \u00fclkenin parlamenter demokrasisinin \u0130ngiliz sisteminden uyarland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131yarak sonu\u00e7lara me\u015fruiyet kazand\u0131r\u0131yorlar. \u0130ktidar toplamda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck oy alsa da, se\u00e7im b\u00f6lgeleri ba\u011flam\u0131nda 133 milletvekili \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. Muhalefet ise, ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcksek oya ra\u011fmen, ancak 89 milletvekili ile yetinmek zorunda kald\u0131. Se\u00e7im b\u00f6lgeleri ve oy da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131na bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Gerakan (\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck) Partisi eski genel ba\u015fkan\u0131 Dr. Koh Tsu Koon\u2019un da ifade etti\u011fi \u00fczere, zaten var olan k\u0131r-kent dikotomisinin daha da derinle\u015fti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. \u00d6yle ki, iktidar t\u00fcm \u2018modernle\u015ftirici\u2019 a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, kentli se\u00e7menden ziyade k\u0131rsaldan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 destekle yeniden h\u00fck\u00fcmeti kurma vizesi ald\u0131. Asl\u0131nda \u2018modernle\u015ftirici\u2019 politikalar, ekonomik kalk\u0131nma odakl\u0131 olarak okundu\u011funda k\u0131rsal\u0131n talepleri ve tatmink\u00e2rl\u0131k \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fiyle kentli kitlelerin taleplerinin \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmemesi do\u011fal.<\/div>\n
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Federal Parlamento\u2019da \u00fc\u00e7te ikilik \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu kazanma ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 g\u00f6steremeyen iktidar koalisyonuna eklemlenmi\u015f partilerin milletvekili da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131nda da kayda de\u011fer bir de\u011fi\u015fim var. Bu de\u011fi\u015fim, iktidar blo\u011funun \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck partisi aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yar\u0131\u011f\u0131n do\u011fmas\u0131na neden oldu. Yani, toplam 133 milletvekilli\u011finden sadece 7\u2019si MCA, 4\u2019d\u00fc MIC partilerini temsil ediyor. G\u00f6rece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck partilerin \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 birka\u00e7 milletvekili dikkate al\u0131nmazsa, geri kalan milletvekillerinin tamam\u0131 UMNO saflar\u0131ndan parlamentoya girdi.<\/div>\n
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Ulusal Cephe partileri -Malay partisi UMNO ile \u00c7in ve Hint partileri- aras\u0131nda siyasi payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n UMNO lehine de\u011fi\u015fim g\u00f6stermesi, koalisyon blo\u011funun me\u015fruiyetinin sorgulanmas\u0131n\u0131 da beraberinde getiriyor. Bu anlamda, se\u00e7men kitlesinin, iktidar koalisyonun sembol\u00fc ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesinin \u015fartlar\u0131 gere\u011fi kurulan dengenin ifadesi olan \u2018terazi\u2019nin dengesini bozdu\u011fu g\u00fcn ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu dengenin bozulmas\u0131yla, mevcut siyasi yap\u0131lar aradan ge\u00e7en birka\u00e7 haftada bu \u2018sil ba\u015ftan\u2019\u0131 farkl\u0131 ba\u011flamlarda ortaya koymaya ba\u015flad\u0131lar. <\/div>\n
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Bununla ne demek istiyoruz? Malay partisi UMNO, \u00c7inli az\u0131nl\u0131k odakl\u0131 MCA ile Hintli se\u00e7mene hitap eden MIC\u2019den ulusal ve eyalet parlamentolar\u0131na se\u00e7ilen milletvekili say\u0131s\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f var. Bu minvalde, se\u00e7im kampanyalar\u0131ndan se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na kadar \u00e7e\u015fitli vecheleriyle s\u00fcrekli \u00f6n pl\u00e2nda tutulan \u00c7inli se\u00e7menin politik e\u011filimi dikkate ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda MCA\u2019n\u0131n geldi\u011fi konum \u00fczerinde durulmay\u0131 hak ediyor. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131ktan bu yana \u00fclke politikalar\u0131ndaki rol\u00fc ile yads\u0131namaz bir \u00f6neme sahip olan MCA\u2019n\u0131n 2008\u2019de kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 Ulusal Parlamento\u2019daki sandayle say\u0131s\u0131 15\u2019den 7\u2019ye; eyaletlerdeki sandayle say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ise 90\u2019dan 11\u2019e d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bunun bir ba\u015fka anlam\u0131, \u00c7inli se\u00e7menin % 80-85\u2019inin oylar\u0131n\u0131 muhalefet blo\u011funda yer alan DAP lehine kulland\u0131. \u0130\u015fte tam da bu noktada, i\u015fin ucu MCA\u2019ya dokunuyor ve bu partinin nas\u0131l bir savrulma ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. <\/p>\n<\/div>\n
MCA\u2019\u0131n oy kayb\u0131n\u0131n somut yans\u0131mas\u0131 ise h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurma s\u00fcrecinde kendini g\u00f6sterdi. Parti y\u00f6netimi ya\u015fanan bu politik tsunamiden sonra  Federal ve Eyalet h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinde bakanl\u0131k\/bakan yard\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u00f6nemli makamlarda g\u00f6rev almayacaklar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131lar. Asl\u0131nda partinin kan kayb\u0131 ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7im \u00f6ncesinde Parti Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Dr. Chua Soi Lek\u2019in aday olmama karar\u0131yla kendini ortaya koymu\u015ftu. Se\u00e7im ertesinde de, MCA i\u00e7inden Dr. Chua\u2019n\u0131n siyasi me\u015fruiyetini kaybetti\u011fi s\u00f6ylemiyle derhal istifa etmesi talepleri y\u00fckseldi. Dr. Chua\u2019n\u0131n parti ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u0131srarc\u0131 olmayaca\u011f\u0131 zaten tahmin ediliyordu. Ancak s\u00fcrecin h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 konusunda parti i\u00e7inden y\u00fckselen sesler se\u00e7im sars\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ne kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck oldu\u011funun kan\u0131t\u0131yd\u0131. Bu noktada, MCA\u2019\u0131n bu kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck bir
\n oy kayb\u0131n\u0131n nedenleri, 6 May\u0131s\u2019tan bu yana ba\u015fta Ba\u015fbakan Necib ve ard\u0131ndan MCA y\u00f6netimi olmak \u00fczere sorgulanageliyor. <\/div>\n
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Tabii bu sorgulamada partilerin yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131nda farkl\u0131l\u0131k yok de\u011fil. UMNO \u00e7evreleri \u00c7inli se\u00e7mene y\u00fcklenirken, se\u00e7menlerin siyasi y\u00f6nelimlerindeki bu b\u00fcy\u00fck de\u011fi\u015fmenin ger\u00e7ek nedenleri \u00fczerinde kafa yoranlar\u0131n \u00c7inli siyaset\u00e7i ve entellekt\u00fcellerden geldi\u011fi g\u00f6zlemleniyor. \u00d6nce UMNO\u2019dan gelen tepkilere de\u011finelim. Uzun y\u0131llar UMNO \u00e7at\u0131\u015f\u0131 alt\u0131nda politika yapan Malaka ve Johor Eyalet Ba\u015fbakanlar\u0131 se\u00e7im b\u00f6lgelerinde h\u00fcsrana u\u011framalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00c7inli se\u00e7menin \u2018vefas\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na\u2019 ba\u011fl\u0131yorlar ve faturay\u0131 bu se\u00e7men kitlesine kesiyorlar. UMNO\u2019dan gelen bu tepkinin, bu partinin Malay milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini temsil etmesi dolay\u0131s\u0131yla anla\u015f\u0131labilir bir yan\u0131 var. Malay sultanl\u0131klar\u0131 ve geleneksel elitizm ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sadece bir siyasi \u2018parti\u2019 olman\u0131n \u00f6tesinde anlam\u0131 olan UMNO\u2019dan g\u00fcn\u00fcn zorlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimler \u00fczerine ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir ele\u015ftirel yakla\u015f\u0131m -en az\u0131ndan \u015fimdilik- beklenemez. \u00d6te yandan, \u00c7in k\u00f6kenli politikac\u0131lar ise, halk\u0131n nabz\u0131n\u0131n tutulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k y\u00fcreklilikte dillendirebiliyor. Bu ba\u011flamda, halk\u0131n taleplerine kulak kabart\u0131lmamas\u0131 halinde, \u00f6zellikle MCA\u2019\u0131n kan kayb\u0131 ya\u015famakla kalmayaca\u011f\u0131, siyasi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tehlikeye girece\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki kayg\u0131lar iktidar odakl\u0131 bas\u0131n da dahi yer al\u0131yor art\u0131k. <\/div>\n
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\u0130ktidar kanad\u0131nda ya\u015fanan bir kan kayb\u0131 oldu\u011fu a\u015fik\u00e2r. Muhalefetin \u2018de\u011fi\u015fim\u2019 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na, iktidar\u0131 savunma i\u015fini neredeyse tek ba\u015f\u0131na \u00fcstlenen ve bu y\u00f6nde standartlar \u00fcst\u00fc bir gayret sergileyen Ba\u015fbakan Necib\u2019in \u201cEvet, i\u015fte \u2018i\u00e7erden\u2019 de\u011fi\u015fiyoruz\u201d s\u00f6ylemine \u00c7inli ve \u015fehirli Malay se\u00e7men itibar etti\u011fi s\u00f6ylenemez. Muhalefeti tercih eden geni\u015f bir kitle de\u011fi\u015fimin ekonomik boyutlar\u0131 ile ele al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 pek de dikkate almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonucu \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131labilir. Bu durum, bir siyasal paradigma olarak, Malezya \u00f6zelinde ekonomik kalk\u0131nm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n mevcut iktidar ayg\u0131t\u0131nda egemen g\u00fc\u00e7lerin s\u00fcreklili\u011fini ve halk katmanlar\u0131nda da \u2018memnuniyete\u2019 yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki bir determinasyonun yanl\u0131\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyuyor. Bu husus, kamp\u00fcslerde \u00f6\u011frenci kitlesinin -hem de Malay k\u00f6kenlilerin- sohbetlerine kulak kabartt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131zda daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131labiliyor. Bunu en iyi ifade eden bir di\u011fer geli\u015fme ise, Johor ve Malaka Eyalet Ba\u015fbakanlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u0131llarca \u2018ayr\u0131m g\u00f6zetmeksizin\u2019 t\u00fcm Eyalet sakinlerine hizmeti \u00f6ncelleyen \u2018kalk\u0131nmac\u0131\u2019 politikalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, se\u00e7imlerde bekledikleri deste\u011fi alamamalar\u0131yd\u0131. Bu minvalde, \u201cHalk ne istiyor(du)?\u201d sorusunun cevab\u0131, de\u011fi\u015fim olgusunun etnik siyasi yap\u0131lanmalar\u0131n sona erdirilmesi, \u00e7\u0131kar ili\u015fkileri \u00fczerine kurulu odaklanmalar\u0131n bitirilmesini de i\u00e7ine alacak kapsaml\u0131 bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm olarak verilebilir. <\/div>\n
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\u0130ktidar kanad\u0131nda yer alan ve \u00f6zellikle \u00c7inli se\u00e7mene y\u00f6nelik siyaset yapan olu\u015fumlar 5 May\u0131s\u2019\u0131n do\u011furdu\u011fu sonu\u00e7lar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda muhalefete \u2018s\u00f6vmek\u2019 yerine, nerede hata yapt\u0131klar\u0131 konusuna odaklan\u0131p, geli\u015fmelere \u2018ele\u015ftirel\u2019 yakla\u015farak \u2018halk\u0131n \u00f6nceliklerine\u2019 ba\u011fl\u0131 yeni bir siyaset dili geli\u015ftirilmesinin aciliyetine vurgu yap\u0131yorlar. Bu anlamda siyasi bir olgunlu\u011fa do\u011fru y\u00f6nelimden bahsedilebilir. Bu s\u00fcrecin belki de en dikkat \u00e7ekici \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131, Gerakan Partisi y\u00f6necilerinden geldi. Bu grup, se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan se\u00e7menin taleplerinin iktidar ortaklar\u0131nca geneli itibar\u0131yla do\u011fru okunamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve gerekti\u011fi \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verilmedi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor ve \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde yeni bir siyasi olu\u015fuma ihtiya\u00e7 oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k se\u00e7ik dile getiriyor. <\/div>\n
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\u0130ktidar kanad\u0131n\u0131n temeli UMNO siyasal eliti geli\u015fmeleri -en az\u0131ndan \u015fimdilik- farkl\u0131 bir okumaya tabi tutuyor ve kendi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda iktidar unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n siyasi kayb\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l tel\u00e2fi ederimin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi i\u00e7erisinde. Bunun i\u00e7in de elindeki kartlar\u0131 sonuna kadar kullanacak. Bu kesin… UMNO y\u00f6netimi, bu tasar\u0131m\u0131n ilk safhas\u0131nda, b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f \u2018Malay se\u00e7men\u2019 ger\u00e7e\u011finden hareketle y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc Malezya \u0130slam Partisi (PAS) ile koalisyon kurup kurulamayaca\u011f\u0131 alternatifini g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131yor. \u00d6te yandan, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da detayl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde de\u011finilece\u011fi \u00fczere, kendi siyasi orta\u011f\u0131 MCA\u2019ya siyasi tsunami ya\u015fatan muhalefetin \u00c7inli partneri DAP\u2019a g\u00f6z k\u0131rpt\u0131\u011f\u0131 dikkat \u00e7ekiyor. Peki \u201cEnver \u0130brahim\u2019in ba\u015f\u0131nda bulundu\u011fu PKR ile birliktelik olamaz m\u0131?\u201d sorusuna cevap daha se\u00e7im ak\u015fam\u0131nda gelmi\u015f ve Endonezya\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nemli siyasi fig\u00fcrlerinden Yusuf Kalla, Ba\u015fbakan Necib ve Enver \u0130brahim aras\u0131nda bir \u2018bar\u0131\u015f\u2019 in\u015fas\u0131na niyetlenmi\u015fti. Tabii, bu iki u\u00e7 ismi biraraya getirebilmek o kadar da m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. \u00d6yle ki, bu iki siyasi fig\u00fcr\u00fcn m\u00fccadelesini Machbet\u2019e g\u00f6nderme yaparak dile getirmi\u015ftik bir bu\u00e7uk y\u0131l \u00f6nceki bir yaz\u0131da. Ne ilgin\u00e7tir ki, se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecinde ve sonras\u0131nda konuyu \u2018Machbet\u2019e getirip dayand\u0131ran politikac\u0131lar ve yazarlar \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131 de\u011fil medyada.<\/div>\n
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Bu foto\u011fraf bize daha, daha \u00f6nce de k\u0131smen de\u011findi\u011fimiz \u00fczere, \u00fclke siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n etnik unsurlardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ele al\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 erken d\u00f6nem siyasi tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlat\u0131yor. 1940\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda, d\u00f6nemin UMNO lideri Dato Onn bin Cafer\u2019in UMNO\u2019yu \u2018sadece\u2019 Malaylarla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir siyasi hareket de\u011fil, t\u00fcm etnik unsurlara a\u00e7\u0131k \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir siyasi parti olmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 bug\u00fcn yeniden ciddi bir \u015fekilde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. \u0130\u015fte bu nedenledir ki, Malezya siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131 \u2018sil ba\u015ftan\u2019 yeniden dizayn edilme s\u00fcrecinde. <\/div>\n
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http:\/\/www.dunyabulteni.net\/index.php?aType=haber&ArticleID=261402&q=Mehmet+%C3%96zay<\/a><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Mehmet \u00d6zay                                                                                                                  27 May\u0131s 2013 There is no doubt that election on 5th May in Malaysia reminded Dato Onn bin Jafaar\u2019s political aspiration to almost everyone in the country particularly certain political elites. Though some ideas emerged once the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[27],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-109","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-malezya"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/109","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=109"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/109\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=109"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=109"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/tr_tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=109"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}