\u0130ktidardaki Halk\u00e7\u0131 Parti (Awame League) taraf\u0131ndan \u2018tek tarafl\u0131\u2019 olarak karar verilen genel se\u00e7imlere birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn kald\u0131. Muhalefet partileri, yani Banglade\u015f Ulusal Partisi (BNP) ile bu partinin en \u00f6nemli se\u00e7im orta\u011f\u0131 Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019nin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, muhalefeti temsil eden di\u011fer 16 parti, 5 Ocak\u2019ta se\u00e7imleri boykot etme karar\u0131 ald\u0131. \u00d6te yandan, iktidar partisi ve koalisyon ortaklar\u0131 olan di\u011fer 13 siyasi parti kendi aralar\u0131nda yar\u0131\u015facak. Bu se\u00e7im foto\u011fraf\u0131 ku\u015fkusuz ki \u00fclkede ad\u0131na demokratik temsil denilen s\u00fcreci yans\u0131tmayacak. S\u00fcrecin bu noktaya gelmesinde mevcut iktidar\u0131n se\u00e7im h\u00fck\u00fcmeti kurulmamas\u0131 konusundaki dayatmas\u0131 ba\u015f rol oynad\u0131. \u0130ktidar dayatman\u0131n da \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7erek cezaland\u0131rma kampanyas\u0131yla \u00f6nce Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019yi, ard\u0131ndan BNP\u2019nin \u00f6nde gelen liderlerine y\u00f6nelik tutuklama ve yarg\u0131lamalara ba\u015flad\u0131. En son geli\u015fmelerden biri ise, BNP lideri Beg\u00fcm Halida Ziya\u2019n\u0131n ev hapsine tabi tutulmas\u0131 oldu.<\/p>\n
Bu durum, \u00fclkenin k\u0131sa siyasi tarihinin son yirmi y\u0131l\u0131nda ilk defa genel se\u00e7imler \u00f6ncesinde \u2018se\u00e7im h\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019 kurulmamas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyor. Muhalefet partilerinin aylar \u00f6ncesinde \u2018se\u00e7im h\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019 kurulmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde t\u00fcm \u00e7abas\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet nezdinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmad\u0131. Ard\u0131ndan Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri ve \u0130ngiltere makamlar\u0131n\u0131n Halk\u00e7\u0131 Parti ve Ulusal Parti aras\u0131nda arabulucu rol\u00fc oynamalar\u0131 da sonu\u00e7 vermedi. Asl\u0131nda \u015eeyh Hasina ve h\u00fck\u00fcmeti bu y\u0131l yap\u0131lacak se\u00e7imlerin haz\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131na y\u0131llar \u00f6nce ba\u015flam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. 2009 y\u0131l\u0131 ba\u015flar\u0131ndaki se\u00e7imin ard\u0131ndan se\u00e7im kanunundaki de\u011fi\u015fiklikle \u2018se\u00e7im h\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019 uygulamas\u0131na son verildi. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, iktidar ile muhalefet aras\u0131nda gerginliklerin ya\u015fanmas\u0131na neden olurken, toplumsal kaos ve Cemaat-i \u0130slamiye y\u00f6nelik su\u00e7lamalar ve idam cezalar\u0131 ile doru\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n
Bu noktada muhalefetin iki g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc unsuru, Ulusal Parti ve Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019nin ne t\u00fcr bir ittifak i\u00e7erisinde yer ald\u0131klar\u0131na de\u011finilmeli. Ulusal Parti kamuoyu deste\u011fiyle \u2018\u00f6nc\u00fc\u2019 bir g\u00fc\u00e7. Cemaat-i \u0130slami ise sahip oldu\u011fu organizasyon yap\u0131s\u0131yla destek\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcnde. Ulusal Parti, kurulu\u015f \u00f6zellikleri dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ordu k\u00f6kenli yap\u0131lanmalar\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc. Cemaat-i \u0130slami ise \u2018p\u00fcr\u2019 bir sivil hareket. Bug\u00fcn, Cemaat-i \u0130slami liderlerine y\u00f6nelik karalama kampanyas\u0131n\u0131n idamlara kadar uzanmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda BNP ne idamlara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ne de bu idamlar\u0131 onayan h\u00fck\u00fcmete destek veriyor. Cemaat-i \u0130slamiye\u2019yi bu noktada a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a desteklememesi, yarg\u0131lamalar ve idamlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00f6rece sessiz kalmas\u0131 partinin \u2018kurucu k\u00f6kleriyle\u2019 ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131. Bir de \u00fclke medyas\u0131n\u0131n %95\u2019ini elinde tutan bir iktidar ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi toplumsal alg\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019yi a\u00e7\u0131ktan desteklemenin se\u00e7menleri nezdinde do\u011furaca\u011f\u0131 \u2018faturay\u0131\u2019 hesap ediyor. Bu hususlar, BNP\u2019nin y\u00fcksek sesle direni\u015f g\u00f6stermemesi ve Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019nin yan\u0131nda yer almamas\u0131n\u0131 kafi derecede a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor. \u00d6te yandan, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019yi \u2018ortadan kald\u0131rma\u2019 projesine a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a destek vermemesi de, her hal\u00fck\u00e2rda olduk\u00e7a g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir yap\u0131lanmaya sahip Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019nin \u2018yumu\u015fak\u2019 g\u00fcc\u00fcne ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz ihtiya\u00e7dan kaynaklan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
Cemaat-i \u0130slami vechesinde ise, parti tek ba\u015f\u0131na siyasi g\u00fcc\u00fc ele ge\u00e7iremeyece\u011fi gerek\u00e7esiyle BNP ile se\u00e7im ittifak\u0131 yapmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc hakim. Arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131 da, \u00fclkenin daha iyi y\u00f6netimi i\u00e7in mevcut siyasi erkin mutlaka de\u011fi\u015fmesi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine dayan\u0131yor. Bu anlamda tedrici bir iyile\u015fmeden yana tavr\u0131n\u0131 bu se\u00e7im ittifaklar\u0131 ile kamuoyuna yans\u0131tmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Cemaat-i \u0130slami s\u00f6zc\u00fclerinin mevcut sistemin me\u015fruiyet sorunu oldu\u011fu yolundaki arg\u00fcman\u0131, se\u00e7im h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin kurulmamas\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla iktidar\u0131n devlet mekanizmas\u0131nda oynayabilece\u011fi roller, bir ba\u015fka ifadeyle manip\u00fcle etme g\u00fcc\u00fcnden kaynaklan\u0131yor. \u00dclkeyi yak\u0131ndan tan\u0131yan kaynaklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n ifadesiyle, \u2018se\u00e7im korsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019 uygulanacak. Yani \u00f6nceden haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f oy pusulalar\u0131 se\u00e7imlerde belirleyici olacak.<\/p>\n
Peki Banglade\u015f\u2019i vuran siyasi ve toplumsal kaosu \u00fclkenin i\u00e7 i\u015fleri ile s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rmak ve b\u00f6ylesi s\u0131\u011f bir de\u011ferlendirmeye tabi tutmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc? Bu soruyu y\u00f6neltti\u011fimiz Banglade\u015fli kimi aktivistlerin cevab\u0131 \u2018hay\u0131r\u2019. 160 milyonluk n\u00fcfusunun kahir ekseriyeti \u2018M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u2019 olan Banglade\u015f\u2019in kom\u015fu \u00fclkeleri aras\u0131nda \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olan bir \u00fclke bulunmuyor. \u00d6te yandan, hemen yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131nda, Hindistan gibi k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7 istidad\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u015f\u00fcpheli de olsa, kimi ba\u011flamlarda b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fcc\u00fc dev\u015firme u\u011fra\u015f\u0131ndaki bir \u00fclkeye kom\u015fu olmas\u0131 dikkatlerin bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bu \u00fclkeye \u00e7ekilmesini gerekli k\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
Kimi g\u00f6zlemciler, Hindistan D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Sujatha Singh\u2019in yak\u0131n d\u00f6nemde Banglade\u015f\u2019i ziyaret ederek \u00fclke i\u00e7 politikas\u0131na m\u00fcdahil olacak giri\u015fimlerde bulundu\u011funu ifade ediyor. Kald\u0131 ki, Banglade\u015f politikas\u0131 \u00fclkenin \u2018ulusal politikas\u0131\u2019… Yani Hindistan\u2019daki se\u00e7imlerde Kongre Partisi iktidar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fti\u011finde Banglade\u015f siyasetinde de\u011fi\u015fme olmayacak. Bu noktada Hindistan bir yandan b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7 kazan\u0131m\u0131na odaklan\u0131rken, \u00f6te yandan demografik yap\u0131s\u0131 dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir t\u00fcketim piyasas\u0131na i\u015faret eden Banglade\u015fi bir t\u00fcr \u2018s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc\u2019 arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek istiyor. Yani hem siyasi, hem de ekonomik kazan\u0131m pe\u015finde… Kald\u0131 ki, bu ulusal d\u0131\u015f politika, sadece Banglade\u015fle de s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil. Di\u011fer kom\u015fu \u00fclkeler Sri Lanka, Bhutan ve Nepal\u2019e y\u00f6nelik olarak da benzer \u015feyleri s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.<\/p>\n
Hindistan\u2019\u0131n bug\u00fcn oynamakta oldu\u011fu rol, d\u00fcn oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol\u00fcn devam\u0131 mahiyetinde. Hindistan, \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netiminin b\u00f6lgeden \u00e7ekilmesinden sonra Do\u011fu ve Bat\u0131 Pakistan olarak ikiye ayr\u0131lan M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u00a0 \u00e7o\u011funlukta oldu\u011fu co\u011frafyan\u0131n bir kez daha b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi konusunda elinden gelen \u00e7abay\u0131 g\u00f6stermi\u015f bir \u00fclke oldu\u011fu hat\u0131rland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, son birka\u00e7 y\u0131lda Dakka siyasetindeki geli\u015fmeleri yerli yerine oturtmak i\u00e7in ge\u00e7mi\u015fe d\u00f6n\u00fcp bakmak bir zorunluluk arz ediyor. Bu noktada, acaba Banglade\u015f akademyas\u0131nda bir \u00e7abadan s\u00f6z edilebilir mi diye sorulabilir. Banglade\u015f iktidar erkinin belirleyicili\u011fi, akademisyenlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve ele\u015ftirel \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar yapmalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc al\u0131yor. Bu durum \u00fclkenin modern tarihinin neredeyse anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 imk\u00e2ns\u0131z k\u0131l\u0131yor ve resmi tarihe mahkum ediyor.<\/p>\n
Daha \u00f6nce de ifade etti\u011fimiz \u00fczere, bug\u00fcn Cemaat-i \u0130slami ad\u0131 verilen k\u00f6kl\u00fc ve de \u2018yerli\u2019 kuruma kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flat\u0131lan sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n nedeni, 1970\u2019deki ad\u0131na \u2018ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131\u2019 denilen s\u00fcre\u00e7te, o d\u00f6nemki ad\u0131yla Bat\u0131 Pakistan\u2019dan ayr\u0131lmak istememelerine ve de Pakistan ordusuyla i\u015fbirli\u011fine dayand\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu nedenledir ki, Cemaat-i \u0130slami liderlerine y\u00f6nelik gayri adil su\u00e7lamalar, yarg\u0131lamalar ve idamlar\u0131, ultra milliyet\u00e7i \u00e7evreler \u2018ikinci ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u2019 s\u00fcreci olarak adland\u0131r\u0131yorlar. S\u00f6z konusu su\u00e7lamalara maruz b\u0131rak\u0131lan Cemaat-i \u0130slami, sanki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde engelmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6steriliyor. Burada \u00f6ncelikle, \u2018ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131n Banglade\u015f ve b\u00f6lge M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 i\u00e7in neye tekab\u00fcl etti\u011fi ve bu kavram\u0131n \u2018\u00fcretim\u2019 s\u00fcrecinde hangi b\u00f6lgesel ve uluslararas\u0131 akt\u00f6rlerin rol ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusu es ge\u00e7ilemeyecek kadar belirleyici bir husus. Israrla \u2018M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u2019 diyoruz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu b\u00f6lge halk\u0131n\u0131n kahir ekseriyeti tarihsel ve geleneksel anlamda bu \u2018sosyo-dini\u2019 yap\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inde yer al\u0131yor. Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ederek b\u00f6lge ger\u00e7eklerine yakla\u015fmak, olsa olsa ideolojik miyoplukla tan\u0131mlanabilir…<\/p>\n
Ancak ayn\u0131 Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019nin liderlerinin, \u00fclkenin kurucu babas\u0131 ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Ba\u015fbakan \u015eeyh Hasina\u2019n\u0131n\u00a0biyolojik babas\u0131 \u015eeyh Muciburrahman\u2019\u0131n 1970\u2019deki Do\u011fu-Bat\u0131 Pakistan\u2019daki se\u00e7imlerde en \u00e7ok oyu almas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, Bat\u0131 Pakistan siyasi elitine \u2018B\u0131rak\u0131n Muciburrahman \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6netsin\u2019 \u00f6nerisini g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir \u015fekilde dillendirmeleri ise atlanan \u00f6nemli bir husus. Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019yi siyasi etik gere\u011fi, \u00fclke ve b\u00f6lge siyaseti i\u00e7inde konumland\u0131rmadan, Banglade\u015f y\u00f6netiminin ne yapmak iste\u011fini ve bu yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n neye tekab\u00fcl etti\u011fini anlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil.<\/p>\n
Kald\u0131 ki, Cemaat-i \u0130slami liderlerine y\u00f6neltilen \u2018sava\u015f su\u00e7lusu\u2019 yaftas\u0131 da mu\u011flak bir durum. Ancak kaynaklar\u0131n ve tan\u0131klar\u0131n ifadesine g\u00f6re 1970\u2019deki sava\u015f Pakistan-Banglade\u015f ordular\u0131 aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmekten ziyade, Pakistan-Hindistan sava\u015f\u0131 olarak kay\u0131tlara ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. Bunun kan\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 ise, o d\u00f6nem yap\u0131lan bar\u0131\u015f anla\u015fmalar\u0131na imza atan yetkililerin imzalar\u0131nda g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u00d6te yandan, bir zamanlar \u2018tu kaka\u2019 kabul edilen, ancak ard\u0131ndan \u015fartlar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesiyle bir \u2018ulusal kahraman\u2019a d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclen babas\u0131 Muciburrahman\u2019\u0131n siyasi miras\u0131n\u0131 dev\u015firen bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Ba\u015fbakan \u015eeyh Hasina\u2019n\u0131n uzun y\u0131llar Hindistan\u2019da ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 dikkatlerden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131lmamas\u0131 gereken hususlardan biri.<\/p>\n
Banglade\u015f\u2019in i\u00e7 ve b\u00f6lge siyasal yap\u0131s\u0131na dair \u00f6zetle bunlar\u0131 s\u00f6yledikten sonra, \u00fclkenin kahir ekseriyetini olu\u015fturan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kitleler hat\u0131r\u0131na \u015fu hususa da de\u011finmekte fayda var. Banglade\u015f, ba\u015fta T\u00fcrkiye olmak \u00fczere halk\u0131 M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olan \u00fclkelerin siyasi ve sivil kesimlerince yak\u0131ndan izlenmesi gereken bir \u00fclke. Ancak aradan ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre\u00e7te, Bat\u0131 medyas\u0131 bir yana, bu y\u00f6nde \u00f6zellikle de ilgili \u00fclke medyalar\u0131n\u0131n, Banglade\u015fdeki geli\u015fmeleri ne kadar yak\u0131ndan izledi\u011fi ise ku\u015fkulu. Bat\u0131l\u0131 yay\u0131n organlar\u0131n\u0131n dev\u015firmecili\u011finde y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen habercilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 s\u00f6zde \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc, demokratik \u00e7evrelerin zaafiyetlerinin bir kez daha ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan dikkat \u00e7ekici. Banglade\u015f gibi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en yoksul \u00fclkeleri s\u0131ralamas\u0131nda ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7eken, yolsuzluklar konusunda ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131yla tan\u0131nan Uluslararas\u0131 \u015eeffafl\u0131k Kurumu\u2019nun y\u0131ll\u0131k raporlar\u0131nda ilk \u00fc\u00e7te yer alan bir \u00fclkeye insan haklar\u0131, demokrasi, karde\u015flik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck gibi \u015fatafatl\u0131 kavramlar\u0131 dillendirenlerin nas\u0131l bir yakla\u015f\u0131m sergilediklerini ibretle izliyoruz. \u00dclke iktidar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan ve sol\/sosyalist vb. kavramlarla y\u00fcklenmi\u015f siyaset jargonu ile hareket eden Halk\u00e7\u0131 Parti (Awame League) ne insan haklar\u0131 ne de sahiplendi\u011fi sol tandansl\u0131 kavramlar ve ideolojik \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda ele al\u0131n\u0131yor. \u00dclkenin yoksul kesimlerine hak, adalet vb. kavramlar\u0131n \u2018ula\u015fmas\u0131\u2019 i\u00e7in faaliyet g\u00f6steren siyasi bir organ olman\u0131n \u00f6tesinde toplumsal a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131 ile \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan Cemaat-i \u0130slami\u2019ye y\u00f6nelik \u2018yak\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u2019 ise insafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ta kendisi denilecek boyutta. Banglade\u015f\u2019i yazmaya devam edece\u011fiz…<\/p>\n
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