D\u00fcnyan\u0131n say\u0131l\u0131 geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkeleri aras\u0131nda yer alan Singapur Cumhuriyeti\u2019nde Lee Kuan Yew\u2019\u0131n -kimilerince yad\u0131rgansa da- \u2018kurucu baba\u2019 s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 hakl\u0131 k\u0131lacak gerek\u00e7elerin ba\u015f\u0131nda onun \u2018dil\u2019 olgusu \u00fczerinden sosyal-ekonomik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc pl\u00e2nlam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 gelir. Bu ba\u011flamda LKY\u2019\u0131n dil e\u011fitimi \u00fczerinden nas\u0131l bir toplum modeli olu\u015fturdu\u011funa de\u011finmeden \u00f6nce, onun bizatihi kendisinin bir e\u011fitim al\u0131c\u0131 olarak ne t\u00fcr bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131na bakal\u0131m.<\/p>\n
T\u0131pk\u0131 G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya \u00fclkelerinde ya\u015fayan \u00c7in diasporas\u0131na mensup aileler gibi Lee Kuan Yew ailesi de, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda Singapur Adas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n geli\u015fme istitad\u0131na konu oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde b\u00f6lgeye g\u00f6\u00e7 etti. Bu ailevi k\u00f6ken, onu temelde \u00c7in k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyeti ve de siyasetine ili\u015fkilendirme noktas\u0131nda do\u011fal bir arg\u00fcman olarak ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Ancak unutmayal\u0131m ki, Singapur Adas\u0131\u2019nda \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi ve ona eklemlenen \u00e7e\u015fitli misyoner gruplar\u0131n\u0131n e\u011fitim politikalar\u0131 ve de faaliyetlerinin bi\u00e7imlendirdi\u011fi yepyeni bir sosyal \u00e7evrenin LKY \u00fczerinde b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tesir yabana at\u0131lamayacak \u00f6nemdedir. Burada LKY\u2019\u0131n \u00e7ocukluk ve ilk gen\u00e7lik y\u0131llar\u0131nda nas\u0131l bir sosyo-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yap\u0131la\u015fmaya konu oldu\u011funu detayl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde ele almak yerine, \u00f6zetle onun gelecekteki uzun siyasi kariyerini de belirleyen \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitimi ve bunun kamusal alana nas\u0131l ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair baz\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri payla\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/p>\n
G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya genelinde oldu\u011fu \u00fczere Singapur\u2019da da \u00c7inli olmakla Konf\u00fc\u00e7y\u00fcsc\u00fc ba\u011flam ve atalar dininin bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi olarak g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc aile ba\u011flar\u0131, geleneksel de\u011ferlerin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lmas\u0131 kadar ideolojik olarak kom\u00fcnizme meyyal bir alg\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Bu alg\u0131, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, erken d\u00f6nemlerde g\u00f6\u00e7 eden \u00c7inli kitlelerin, aradan ge\u00e7en zaman zarf\u0131nda ya\u015fayan kalk\u0131nmac\u0131 hamleler neticesinde \u015fu veya bu \u015fekilde kapitalizme eklemlenmesi, sadece dini ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, ideolojik yap\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 da \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fimlere maruz b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131na ku\u015fku yok. Bu s\u00fcrecin de\u011fi\u015fime konu olmas\u0131nda, ailelerin \u0130ngilizce s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netiminin e\u011fitimi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde misyoner gruplar\u0131 inisiyatifinde yap\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma politikas\u0131na paralel olarak \u00c7in k\u00f6kenli ailelerinin, en az\u0131ndan bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131 bu e\u011fitim kurumlar\u0131na g\u00f6nderdikleri g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bunda hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, bu y\u00f6nelimin bir t\u00fcr Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma i\u015ftiyak\u0131yla de\u011fil, aksine g\u00f6\u00e7men olman\u0131n getirdi\u011fi zorluklar\u0131 a\u015fmaya matuf ekonomik ge\u00e7erlilik gibi son derece pragmatik bir e\u011filimin b\u00fcy\u00fck rol\u00fc var. T\u0131pk\u0131 LKY\u2019\u0131n Ada\u2019daki \u00fc\u00e7 \u00f6nemli etnik yap\u0131n\u0131n dillerini ulusal dil babul etmekle birlikte, \u2018idari ve i\u015f d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n\u2019 \u201cana dil\u201dini \u0130ngilizce yapmas\u0131ndaki pragmatiklik gibi.[1]<\/a> \u00a0Ancak bu e\u011fitim s\u00fcrecinin, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fimde ba\u015fat rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bug\u00fcn gelinen noktada kendini ortaya koyar.<\/p>\n Tabii, LKY \u00f6zelinde konu\u015facak olursak, onun s\u0131ra d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir ki\u015filik oldu\u011funun ilk i\u015faretlerinden birini ortaya koyan geli\u015fme, ailesinin onu \u00c7in okuluna g\u00f6ndermesine kar\u015f\u0131n daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ya\u015fta verdi\u011fi bir kararla \u0131srarla \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitim yapan bir okula gitmek isteyi\u015finde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Burada hemen, LKY\u2019\u0131n o k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ya\u015fta nas\u0131l olup da b\u00f6yle bir karar\u0131 verebildi\u011fi de \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6ylemeliyim. Bu anlamda, parlak zek\u00e2s\u0131, toplumsal \u00e7evresini anlama ve analiz etme yetisinin olduk\u00e7a erken geli\u015fmi\u015fli\u011fine at\u0131f yapabiliriz. Toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131nda, \u2018\u0130ngilizce\u2019 konu\u015fan s\u00f6m\u00fcrge liderleri ve imtiyazl\u0131 \u2018beyaz adam\u2019\u0131n fark\u0131n\u0131 herhalde LKY erken te\u015fhis olmal\u0131. Onu i\u00e7inde do\u011fup geli\u015fti\u011fi geleneksel \u00c7in toplumunun \u2018dar kal\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131\u2019 a\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak ve b\u00f6ylece d\u00fcnyaya a\u00e7acak s\u00fcre\u00e7 bu \u2018dil hamlesi\u2019yle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Profesyonel siyaset\u00e7ili\u011fi d\u00f6neminde sarf etti\u011fi \u201cBizim -yani Singapurlular\u0131n- d\u00fcnyayla ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak yegane ara\u00e7 dil. Bizi y\u00f6netmi\u015f olan \u0130ngilizlerin giderken arkalar\u0131nda \u2018dillerini\u2019 b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131 bizim i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u015fans\u201d demesi[2]<\/a>, bir anlamda daha erken \u00e7ocukluk y\u0131llar\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 stratejik hamlenin bir a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u0130\u015fte LKY, b\u00f6ylesi bir diaspora ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi i\u00e7inde e\u011fitim s\u00fcrecini bizzat kendisinin belirledi\u011fine tan\u0131k olunur. Bu ba\u011flamda, kurulu\u015funda \u0130ngiltere Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n rol\u00fcn\u00fcn oldu\u011fu \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitim veren kurumda \u00f6\u011frenim g\u00f6rmekle, diaspora topraklar\u0131nda \u00c7in dil-k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve medeniyetinin ba\u015fat ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 konumundaki Mandarince e\u011fitim veren bir kurumda \u00f6\u011frenim g\u00f6rmek aras\u0131ndaki fark, LKY\u2019\u0131n bireysel tarihi kadar Ada\u2019n\u0131n kurulu\u015f ve bug\u00fcne kadar ki ser\u00fcvenini de belirleyici k\u0131ld\u0131. LKY\u2019\u0131n ilk \u00f6\u011fretim s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin ard\u0131ndan \u00fcniversite y\u0131llar\u0131nda da \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin \u2018sayg\u0131n\u2019 y\u00fcksek \u00f6\u011fretim kurumlar\u0131ndan Cambridge hukuk e\u011fitimi almas\u0131, onu bir anda daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ya\u015flarda \u2018g\u00f6z\u00fcne kestirdi\u011fi\u2019 beyaz adam stat\u00fcs\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131! E\u011fitim s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin her bir basama\u011f\u0131nda LKY\u2019\u0131n dil-k\u00fclt\u00fcr eklemlenmesine bu i\u00e7-tan\u0131kl\u0131k boyutlar\u0131, onun 1954 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u201cDemokratik Eylem Partisi\u201dni (PAP) kurmas\u0131 ve akabinde bu parti i\u00e7erisinde \u00c7ince e\u011fitim g\u00f6renler ile \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitim g\u00f6renler aras\u0131nda giderek kendini belirgin k\u0131lan kutupla\u015fma s\u00fcrecinde siyasi bir boyut kazand\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin, partinin kurulu\u015funda rol alan \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitim alm\u0131\u015f olanlar ile \u00c7ince e\u011fitim alm\u0131\u015f olanlar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eki\u015fme, sadece bir parti i\u00e7i kampla\u015fma olarak kalmad\u0131. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00c7ince e\u011fitim alanlar kategorisindeki Lim Chin Siong gibi \u00f6nde gelen liderlerin, ayn\u0131 zamanda onlar\u0131n \u2018kom\u00fcnistlikle\u2019 su\u00e7lanmalar\u0131, partiden ihra\u00e7lar\u0131, s\u00fcrekli polis g\u00f6zetiminde ya\u015famalar\u0131, hapse d\u00fc\u015fmeleri vs. bir tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n Yukar\u0131da de\u011finmi\u015ftim\u2026 Diaspora \u00c7inlileri, genel bir \u2018\u00f6n yarg\u0131\u2019 olarak da kabul edilebilecek bir \u015fekilde \u2018kom\u00fcnizm\u2019le ili\u015fkilendirilmeleri, en az\u0131ndan bu siyasi ideolojiye e\u011filim g\u00f6sterme oranlar\u0131ndaki y\u00fckseklik s\u00f6z konusudur. Bu politiko-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ili\u015fkiyi k\u0131racak olgular\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda dil-k\u00fclt\u00fcr de\u011fi\u015fimine yaslanmak geldi\u011fine g\u00f6re, \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitim alm\u0131\u015f LKY hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde \u2018kom\u00fcnizm\u2019 ile ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lamayacak bir yer edinmi\u015ftir. Bu bireysel konumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131, ayn\u0131 zamanda Ada\u2019n\u0131n siyasi-sosyal-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131na kadar ta\u015f\u0131yacak b\u00fct\u00fcnc\u00fcl bir harekete ge\u00e7iciri g\u00fcc\u00fc i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n Bu noktada, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sonras\u0131nda Ada\u2019da e\u011fitim politikalar\u0131, t\u0131pk\u0131 di\u011fer politikalar\u0131n belirlenmesinde oldu\u011fu \u00fczere, bizzat LKY\u2019\u0131n karar vericili\u011finde y\u00f6nlendirildi. \u0130ngilizlerin kurdu\u011fu Ada\u2019n\u0131n ruhuna uygun bir \u015fekilde Ada\u2019n\u0131n gelece\u011fe ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131nda \u00c7ince -veya Malayca ile Tamilce e\u011fitim veren kurumlar\u0131n de\u011fil, \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitim veren kurumlar\u0131n \u00f6ncellenmesini temel bir politika olarak belirledi. Bu minvalde, Ada n\u00fcfusunun kahir ekseriyetini \u00c7in k\u00f6kenlilerin olu\u015fturmas\u0131ndan hareketle, \u00c7in okullar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc politikalara \u00f6rnek, Mandarince alt\u0131 y\u0131ll\u0131k ilk \u00f6\u011fretim s\u00fcrecini d\u00f6rt y\u0131la indirme pl\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterebiliriz.[3]<\/a>Asl\u0131nda bunun ipu\u00e7lar\u0131 daha ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6ncesinde 1955 y\u0131l\u0131nda, \u00c7ince e\u011fitim veren okullar yerine \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitim veren \u00f6\u011fretim kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ncellenmesinin g\u00fcndeme getirilmesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.[4]<\/a>Bundan ama\u00e7, aileleri ve de \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131 \u0130ngilizce e\u011fitimin \u00f6nemine \u2018ikna ettirmek\u2019 ve bilin\u00e7li ya da bilin\u00e7siz olarak bu s\u00fcrece eklemlemektir.<\/p>\n Peki bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten ne nedeflenmi\u015ftir? Yukar\u0131da baz\u0131 ipu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015ftik. \u00d6rne\u011fin, geleneksel toplumun \u2018s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131ndan\u2019 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, kendini d\u00fcnyaya a\u00e7ma, bir t\u00fcr dil \u00fczerinden modernle\u015fmenin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi. Ancak bu dil olgusu, de\u011fi\u015fim, modernle\u015fmenin t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn yegane hedefi ekonomik vars\u0131ll\u0131kla kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlamakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n LKY, kendi \u00e7ocukluk y\u0131llar\u0131nda ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc, \u00fclkenin \u00f6nde gelen siyaset\u00e7isi olarak t\u00fcm ulusa yayarken, \u00e7ok-dilli\/k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc\/dinli bir toplumda bir ulus in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n da pay\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyuyordu. T\u0131pk\u0131 kendi \u00e7ocuklu\u011funda bizzat kendisinin verdi\u011fi karar\u0131 bu kez, t\u00fcm topluma enjekte ediyor ve ebeveynlere \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cBen hem ana dilinizi hem de \u0130ngilizce \u00f6\u011frenimi imk\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 sizlere sundum. G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc se\u00e7iminizle ve de piyasalar\u0131n otuz y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcre boyunca sundu\u011fu \u00f6d\u00fcller sayesinde bug\u00fcn \u0130ngilizce ana dilin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ti.\u201d[5]<\/a> T\u00fcm bu yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan LKY\u2019\u0131n dil \u00fczerinden hareketle \u00e7ok dilli\/dinli\/k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc bir toplumda ulus bilincini in\u015fa etmeyi ba\u015fard\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir. Ancak bu \u2018yarat\u0131lan\u2019 ulus, pragmatik kalk\u0131nmac\u0131l\u0131k u\u011fruna ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir ulustur. Temelde Singapur \u00f6zelinde ortada bir sorun da bulunmamaktad\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 1819\u2019da Thomas Stamford Raffles\u2019\u0131n ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u011fitim \u2018hamlesi\u2019 aradan ge\u00e7en y\u00fcz elli y\u0131ll\u0131k sure sonras\u0131nda, bu sefer Lee Kuan Yew taraf\u0131ndan zaman\u0131n gereklerine uygun bir \u015fekilde prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irilmi\u015ftir. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc lider LKY\u2019\u0131n bu dil \u2018hamlesi\u2019, Singapur Adas\u0131 \u00fczerinde ya\u015fayan kitlenin \u2018hayatta kalabilmesinin yegane\u2019[6]<\/a> \u015fart\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmas\u0131yla da dikkat \u00e7eker.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n [1]<\/a>Shashi Jayakumar; Rahul Sagar. (ed.) (2015). The Big Ideas of Lee Kuan Yew<\/em>, Singapore: Straits Times Press, s. 15.<\/p>\n [2]<\/a>Lee Kuan Yew. (2013). One Man\u2019s View of the World<\/em>, Singapore: Straits Times Press, s. 73.<\/p>\n [3]<\/a>Thum Ping Tjin. (2013). \u201cFlesh and Bone Reunite As One Body\u2019s: Singapore\u2019s Chinese-Speaking and Their Perspective on Merger\u201d, Poh Soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang; Hong Lysa. (ed). The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years<\/em>, Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Center, s. 89.<\/p>\n [4]<\/a>Hong Lysa. ( ). \u201cOf Six-Day Weeks and 3-3 versus 4-2 Systems: Disciplining Teachers for the New State\u201d, Poh Soo Kai, Tan Kok Fang; Hong Lysa. (ed). The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years<\/em>, Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Center, s.125.<\/p>\n