{"id":2633,"date":"2018-11-06T19:55:03","date_gmt":"2018-11-06T19:55:03","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/?p=2633"},"modified":"2018-11-07T12:02:04","modified_gmt":"2018-11-07T12:02:04","slug":"malaylar-degisimi-kabul-etmeli-ama-nasil-the-malays-should-accept-the-change-but-how","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/malaylar-degisimi-kabul-etmeli-ama-nasil-the-malays-should-accept-the-change-but-how\/","title":{"rendered":"Malaylar de\u011fi\u015fimi kabul etmeli ama nas\u0131l? \/ The Malays should accept the change, but how?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Mehmet \u00d6zay 23.06.2018 <\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>\u00a0<\/strong>Malezya\u2019da art\u0131k Yeni Malezya ad\u0131yla an\u0131l\u0131rken, bunu salt muhalefetin 9 May\u0131s se\u00e7imlerinde elde etti\u011fi se\u00e7im zaferine ba\u011flamak yanl\u0131\u015f olur. Yeni Malezya elbette, muhalefetin 62 y\u0131l sonra gelen siyasi zaferi ile geni\u015f toplumsal kesimlerin taleplerine y\u00f6nelik de\u011fi\u015fim ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm s\u00fcrecine bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yor. Bununla birlikte, bu y\u00f6ndeki geli\u015fmelerin k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre zarf\u0131nda ortaya konmas\u0131n\u0131 beklemek hayalcilik olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Bu noktada, G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya \u00dclkeleri Birli\u011fi\u2019ne mensup baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerde yak\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ya\u015fanan siyasal de\u011fi\u015fim s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin arzu edilir d\u00fczeyde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemesi ve hatta hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131na neden olan geli\u015fmeler konu oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlatmak gerekir.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>De\u011fi\u015fim nas\u0131l ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Malezya\u2019da beklenen de\u011fi\u015fimlerin, \u00f6yle tek bir alanda s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, yerel y\u00f6netimlerden ekonomik kalk\u0131nman\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na, e\u011fitimden \u00fcretim sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne kadar toplumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fik alanlar\u0131nda bir de\u011fi\u015fime ihtiya\u00e7 oldu\u011funa ku\u015fku yok.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">B\u00f6ylesi devasa ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fim i\u00e7in neler yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi ve ne kadar s\u00fcre beklenilece\u011fi elbette ki, Malezya h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin ve kamuoyunun en \u00f6nemli g\u00fcndem maddesini olu\u015fturuyor. T\u00fcm bu alanlar\u0131 kapsayan k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fiklerin temeli ise, \u0131rk temelli politikalarda de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fin nas\u0131l ve ne \u015fekilde ortaya konaca\u011f\u0131yla ilgilidir.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Yakla\u015f\u0131k yirmi y\u0131ll\u0131k reform \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ve muhalefet liderli\u011finin ard\u0131ndan 9 May\u0131s se\u00e7imlerinin kazan\u0131lmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir siyasal akt\u00f6r olan ve ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k koltu\u011funa oturmak i\u00e7in bir s\u00fcre daha beklemek durumunda olan Enver \u0130brahim, bug\u00fcn Singapur\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen bir ekonomi forumu \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamada bu konuya de\u011finerek, s\u00f6z konusu kapsaml\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimin \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc niteli\u011findeki \u0131rklar aras\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesinin zaman alaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledi. Bu durum, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131 Malezya\u2019da i\u015flerin san\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar kolay olmayaca\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret ediyor.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>Demografi ve g\u00fc\u00e7 ba\u011flam\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Malezya, kimilerin zannetti\u011finin aksine, halk\u0131n\u0131n kahir ekseriyeti M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahaliden olu\u015fan bir \u00fclke de\u011fil. Yani bir \u00f6rnek vermek gerekirse, \u00fclke n\u00fcfusunun diyelim ki, y\u00fczde 80\u2019lik bir kesimi Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlardan olu\u015fmuyor. Aksine, \u00fclkenin demografik da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131nda Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar, \u00e7e\u015fitli etnik az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n da dahil edilmesiyle ancak y\u00fczde altm\u0131\u015fa varan bir kitleyi olu\u015fturuyor. Geri kalan y\u00fczde k\u0131rkl\u0131k kesim ise, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmayan ve ayn\u0131 zamanda farkl\u0131 etnik ve dini topluluklardan m\u00fcte\u015fekkil.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Ge\u00e7en altm\u0131\u015f iki y\u0131l boyunca \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6neten siyasal yap\u0131n\u0131n da, yine \u00f6yle san\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi Malay etnik partisi olarak da bilinen Birle\u015fik Malay Ulusal Organizasyonu (UMNO) partisinin tek ba\u015f\u0131na iktidar\u0131na konu olmad\u0131. Aksine, UMNO i\u00e7inde \u00c7in, Hint az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, Borneo Adas\u0131\u2019ndaki Sabah ve Saravak Eyaletleri\u2019ndeki Iban, Dayak, Biyaduh, Kadazan gibi \u00e7e\u015fitli k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck az\u0131nl\u0131k gruplar\u0131 temsil eden eyalet temelli siyasi partilerin ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla iktidar\u0131 elinde tuttu.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>Irk temelli politikalar sorunu<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Ad\u0131na \u2018Ulusal \u0130ttifak\u2019 h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri denilen ve \u00fclkenin 62 y\u0131ll\u0131k modern tarihine damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran siyasi yap\u0131la\u015fma, \u00f6yle kendili\u011finden ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir geli\u015fme de\u011fildi. Siyasal rejim ve y\u00f6netim ile toplumsal kesimler aras\u0131ndaki keskin ayr\u0131m tastamam \u0131rk politikalar\u0131na dayal\u0131 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Bu politikalar\u0131n \u00fclkenin kurucu unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan karar\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 da biliniyor. S\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00f6nemindeki ad\u0131yla Malaya topraklar\u0131nda \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netimin uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0131rk temelli toplumsal yap\u0131la\u015fma ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k s\u00fcrecinde de kendini masa ba\u015f\u0131nda dayatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>Pozitif ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k sonlanmal\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">\u0130\u015fte, 9 May\u0131s se\u00e7imlerinin ard\u0131ndan ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan Yeni Malezya\u2019n\u0131n bu ge\u00e7mi\u015fle hesapla\u015fmas\u0131 gerekiyor. Enver \u0130brahim\u2019in kolay olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u015fey de tastamam bu ger\u00e7eklik.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Irk temelli politikalar denildi\u011finde akla, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, bu topraklar\u0131n ana sahipleri kabul edilen (<em>bumiputra<\/em>) Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara y\u00f6nelik \u2018pozitif ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k\u2019 ba\u011flam\u0131nda ortaya konulan ve toplumsal alanlar\u0131n neredeyse tamam\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ine alan yap\u0131la\u015fma kastediliyor.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Enver \u0130brahim, Malay M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n bug\u00fcne kadar kendilerine y\u00f6nelik \u0131rk temelli-pozitif ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k olgusu yerine, birey ve toplumsal kesimlerin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 temeline dayal\u0131 yeni bir yap\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7acak kitle oldu\u011funa i\u015faret ediyor.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><strong>NEP ve ahl\u00e2ki yap\u0131la\u015fma <\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Ancak bu kitlenin bug\u00fcne kadar \u2018anayasal haklar\u2019 ba\u011flam\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, her daim iktidarda olmas\u0131 nedeniyle \u00f6zellikle, UMNO \u00fczerinden dev\u015firdikleri \u00e7\u0131karlar ve kazan\u0131mlardan ne \u015fekilde fer\u00e2gat edip etmeyecekleri bir siyasal yakla\u015f\u0131m kadar ahl\u00e2ki bir sorun olarak da ortada duruyor.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Bu durumun ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131nda \u00f6nceki s\u00fcre\u00e7ler bir yana, \u00f6zellikle 1969 y\u0131l\u0131 May\u0131s ay\u0131ndaki anar\u015fi ortam\u0131na da neden olan Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kitlenin ekonomik geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulma ad\u0131na uygulamaya konulan Yeni Ekonomi Politikas\u0131\u2019d\u0131r (NEP).<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">1990 y\u0131l\u0131nda sona erdirilmesi \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen bu politikan\u0131n bug\u00fcne kadar devam etmi\u015f olmas\u0131 bile, Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kitle \u00fczerinde nas\u0131l bir psikolojik ve ahlaki yap\u0131la\u015fma olu\u015fturdu\u011funu ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Bu ekonomi politikas\u0131n\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 kadar, di\u011fer toplumsal alanlardaki \u00f6rnekleriyle de asl\u0131nda, Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kitlenin kendi ayaklar\u0131 \u00fczerinde durabilen bir toplumsal kesim olup olamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da sorgulanmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektiren bir durumla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><a href=\"http:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/2018\/05\/15\/malezyada-ahlaki-donusum-mumkun-mu-possibility-of-ethical-transformation-in-malaysia\/\" target=\"_blank\"><strong>Sorunun hiyerar\u015fik da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Sorunun ahl\u00e2ki y\u00f6n\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7ekme nedenim ise, s\u0131radan Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman bireyin sorumlulu\u011funun \u00f6tesinde ve d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olmak \u00fczere, 1969\u2019daki geli\u015fme baz al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda son elli y\u0131ld\u0131r iktidar nimetini Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kitle ad\u0131na payla\u015ft\u0131rma hakk\u0131n\u0131 elinde tutan UMNO\u2019nun, parti i\u00e7inden ba\u015flayarak devlet ve kamu kurulu\u015flar\u0131na kadar uzanan derin yap\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 rol\u00fc g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmemeli.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Nihayetinde Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman bireyi pozitif ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k uygulamalar\u0131na adapte eden ve bu uzun s\u00fcre\u00e7te bu uygulamalara ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011fa yol a\u00e7an ve nihayetinde bunlara mecbur b\u0131rakan UMNO karar mekanizmalar\u0131 ve bunlar\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi politikalard\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Buna il\u00e2ve olarak, demokrasi prati\u011finin se\u00e7im ve oy ili\u015fkisi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kitlenin UMNO\u2019yu tek ba\u015f\u0131na iktidar yapacak bir siyasi g\u00fcce kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k gel\/e\/memi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle, UMNO\u2019nun iktidar olabilme ad\u0131na s\u00fcrekli olarak di\u011fer etnik temelli \u00f6rne\u011fin, Malay \u00c7in Birli\u011fi (MCA) partisi ve Malay Hint Kongresi (MIC) gibi partilerle kurdu\u011fu ittifak s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin, bu siyasi hareketler ve toplumsal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan kitleler nezdinde \u00fcretti\u011fi bir ahl\u00e2ki durum s\u00f6z konusudur.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">\u0130ktidar olma ad\u0131na siyasi ittifak kuran UMNO, MCA ve MIC gibi etnik temelli partiler, kendi yanda\u015flar\u0131 ve destek\u00e7ileriyle, \u00f6zellikle ekonomik da\u011f\u0131l\u0131mdan pay almalar\u0131 \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilmi\u015f bir ili\u015fki kurarken, parti merkezlerinden toplumun ana g\u00f6vdesine do\u011fru yay\u0131lan bir ahl\u00e2ki yozla\u015fmaya da neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u00e7i\u00e7e\u011fi burnunda iktidar\u0131n Yeni Malezya kavram\u0131n\u0131n salt s\u00f6zde de\u011fil, icraatta da ortaya konmas\u0131 i\u00e7in mevcut iktidar\u0131n, \u00f6ncelikle geni\u015f Malay-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kitlenin psikolojisinde ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fimlere kap\u0131 aralayacak ara\u00e7lara ve bunlar\u0131n neler oldu\u011fu ve nas\u0131l uygulamaya gerilece\u011fi tespitine ihtiyac\u0131 var.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Mehmet \u00d6zay\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a006.11.2018 \u00a0Malezya\u2019da art\u0131k Yeni Malezya ad\u0131yla an\u0131l\u0131rken, bunu salt [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2633","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2633","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2633"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2633\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2633"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2633"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/guneydoguasyacalismalari.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2633"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}